Y Gododin: A Poem of the Battle of Cattraeth - 5

Whilst towards the lovely, slender, blood-stained body of Gwen,
Sighed Gwenabwy, the only son of Gwen.

XCVII.

On account of the afflicting {203f} of the skilful and most learned man
Grievously and deeply, when he fell prostrate upon the ground,
The banner was pompously {204a} unfurled, and borne by a man in the
flank; {204b}
A tumultuous scene was beheld {204c} in Eiddin, and on the battle field.
The grasp of his hand performed deeds of valour
Upon the Cynt, {204d} the Gwyddyl, and the Prydyn.
He who meddles with the mane of a wolf, without a club
In his hand, will have it gorgeously emblazoned on his robe.
Fain would I sing,—“would that Morien had not died.”
I sigh for Gwenabwy, the son of Gwen. {204e}


Footnotes:

{0a} Perhaps Cawlwyd is a compound of Caw Clwyd, that is, the Clyde of
Caw.
{0b} Institutional Triads.
{0c} Ibid.
{0d} Myvyrian Archaiology, vol. i. page 60.
{0e} Bardic Triads.
{0f} Bardic Triads.
{0g} Triad 48, third series.
{0h} Myv. Arch. vol. i. p. 308.
{0i} Ib. p. 403.
{0j} Ib. p. 504.
{0k} Gwilym Tew flourished A.D. 1340–1470, and Rhys Nanmor, A.D.
1440–1480.
{0l} In this eText the extensive alternate readings, mentioned in this
passage, are not given. There are so many that it becomes impossible to
read the Welsh text because of the continual footnotes.
{1a} Tacit. Julii Agric. vita, cap. xiv.
{1b} Cambrian Biography, sub voce.
{1c} Stevenson’s Nennius, p. 52.
{2a} It is stated in the Iolo MSS. that Cunedda Wledig held his court in
Carlisle.
{2b} Am. Marcel. 1. 20.
{3a} Triad 39, third series.
{3b} Triad 7.
{3c} Myv. Arch. v. i. p. 52.
{4a} Myv. Arch. v. i. p 57.
{4b} Elegy on Old Age.
{5a} Chalmers’s Caledonia, v. i. pp. 239, &c.
{5b} 1. 231.
{5c} 1. 289.
{5d} 1. 386.
{5e} 1. 393.
{5f} 1. 534.
{5g} 1. 607.
{5h} 1. 713.
{6a} 1. 32
{6b} 1. 648.
{6c} Stanzas xvii. xxxii lxxxvi.
{6d} 1. 229.
{6e} 1. 86, 584.
{6f} Stanza xviii.
{7a} 1. 753, 884.
{7b} Stanza lxviii.
{7c} Stanza xiv.
{7d} Stanza xxxix.
{7e} Stanza xlii.
{7f} Stanza xliii.
{7g} Stanza lxv.
{7h} Stanza lii.
{7i} Stanza xxi.
{7j} Stanza xvii.
{8a} Stanza xliii.
{79a} Or, “The youth was endowed with a manly disposition,” the word
_oed_ being taken as a verb (oedd) rather than as a substantive; though
it ought to be remarked, as indicative of the sense in which it was
regarded by the copyist, that MS. No. 3, which has generally supplied the
_dd_ where it was considered necessary, has it not in the present
instance.
{79b} Al. charger, in the singular number. The favourite steed of our
hero, supposing him to be the son of Urien Rheged, is, in the Triads,
called “Carnavlawg” (cloven-hoofed) and is said to have been “one of the
three horses of depredation of the Isle of Britain,” (Myv. Arch. vol. ii.
page 20.) Taliesin in his Elegy on Owain son of Urien, describes him as
“Gwr gwiw uch ei amliw seirch
A roddei feirch
I eirchiaid.”
A worthy hero seated on variegated trappings,
Who would give steeds to those that asked him.—Myv. Arch. vol. i. p.
59.
_Thick mane_ was regarded as one of the good points of a horse; thus
Taliesin,—
“Atuyn march myngvras mangre.”
Beautiful in a tangle is a thick-maned horse.—Ib. p, 28.
{79c} Lit. “Were under the thigh of;” an expression frequently employed
by the early bards to denote the act of riding. See “Elegy upon Geraint
ab Erbin,” by Llywarch Hen.
{80a} One of the sons of Llywarch Hen is similarly represented as a
youth,—
“That wore the golden spurs,”—Owen’s Ll. Hen, p. 131.
In the days of chivalry, of which the era of the Gododin may fairly be
considered as the commencement, the privilege of decorating arms, and the
accoutrements of horses with gold, was exclusively confined to knights,
and their families; squires being only permitted the use of silver for
the purpose. (St. Palaye, 1. 247, 284.)
{80b} “Pan,” pannus—down, fur, ermine, or fulled cloth.
{80c} This is not literally true of Owain ab Urien, for he was married
to a daughter of Culvynawyd Prydain.
{80d} “Argyvrein,” might perhaps come from _argyvrau_, paraphernalia; a
portion or dowry.
“Ymogel ddwyn gwraig atat yn enw ei _hargyvrau_.”
Beware of taking to thyself a wife for the sake of her portion.
(Cato Gymraeg.)
In that case, the passage should be rendered,—
Ere thou didst obtain thy nuptial dowry;
which reading would be supported by the allusion to the nuptial feast in
the preceding passage. Nevertheless the term “argynrein,” occurring in
three other copies, would certainly point to the signification given in
the text; “argyvrein” being capable of the same meaning, whilst
“argynrein” has no reference whatever to the nuptial dowry.
{81a} The manner in which the person here commemorated is associated
with the ravens, leads us to suspect that he was none other than Owain ab
Urien, who is traditionally reported to have had an army of ravens in his
service, by which, however, we are probably to understand an army of men
with those birds emblazoned on their standard, even as his descendants
still bear them in their coats of arms. Not only do the Welsh Romances
and Bards of the middle ages allude to these ravens, but even Taliesin
and Llywarch Hen, seem pointedly to connect them with Urien or his son.
Thus the former in an Ode on the battle of Argoed Llwyvaen, (Myv. Arch.
vol. i. p. 53) in which Owain commanded the Cumbrian forces, under his
father against Ida, says,—
“A rhag gwaith Argoed Llwyfain
Bu llawer celain
Rhuddei frain rhag rhyfel gwyr.”
Because of the battle of Argoed Llwyvain,
There happened many a dead carcase,
And the ravens were coloured with the war of men.
And Llywarch Hen in his “Elegy on Urien Rheged” has the following
expressions;—
“Pen a borthav ar vy nhu; Pen Urien,
Llary, llyw ei lu;
Ac ar ei vron wen vran ddu.
Pen a borthav mywn vy nghrys; pen Urien,
Llary llywiai lys:
Ac ar ei vron wen vran ai hys.”
I bear by my side a head; the head of Urien,
The mild leader of his army;
And on his white bosom the sable raven is perched.
I bear in my shirt a head; the head of Urien,
That governed a court with mildness;
And on his white bosom the sable raven doth glut. (Owen’s Ll. Hen.
p. 24.)
This supposition would considerably enhance the point and beauty of the
passage in the text; for a sad or unbecoming thing, indeed, (“cwl,” _a
fault_) would it be that one who fought by the aid of ravens should
himself be eventually devoured by them.
Moreover, a tradition prevails, that Owain the son of Urien was actually
engaged in the battle of Cattraeth. Thus Lewis Glyn Cothi, a poet of the
fifteenth century, observes;—
“Bwriodd Owain ab Urien
Y tri thwr yn Nghattraeth hen.
Ovnodd Arthur val goddaith
Owain, ei vrain a’i fon vraith.” (I. 140.)
Owain son of Urien overthrew
The three towers of Cattraeth of old;
Arthur dreaded, as the flames,
Owain, his ravens, and his parti-coloured staff.
But to the view which would identify our hero with the son of Urien there
is this objection, that the poem describes the former as the son of Marro
or Marco; nor can the difficulty be got over, without supposing that this
was another name of Urien. Or if that be inadmissible, the line, in
which Owain’s name occurs, may be translated,—
Alas, the beloved friend of Owain;
an alteration, which will do no great violence to the allusion about the
ravens.
{82a} Al. “March,” as if addressing the horse of the slain;—
O steed, in what spot
Was slaughtered, &c.
{82b} “Cynhaiawc,” (cyn-taiawg.) Adopting this version for the sake of
variety, and under the impression that all the different readings of this
poem are not the mere result of orthographical accident, but that the
forms of obscure or illegible words were sometimes determined by
tradition, we must believe that the _taiogion_, who composed the army of
Madog, were simply his own tenants or dependants.
{83a} “Diffun,” (di-ffun.) _Ffun_ is any thing united together, and is
used at line 803 for a band of men. Some read “diffyn,” (protection or
defence) and in that case the sense of the passage would seem to be,
He brought protection to women, and mead he distributed.
The former reading is preferred, inasmuch as it exhibits in a more
natural and consistent manner the twofold character of Madog, as a
soldier and a courtier, which appears to be the object of the Bard to
delineate. Our inference on this point is moreover supported by more
obvious passages of that description, which occur again in the Poem, such
as,—
“Ragorei veirch racvuan
En trin lletvegin gwin o bann.”
He surpassed the fleetest steeds
In war, but was a tame animal when he poured the wine from the
goblet.
The epithet “cynhaiawc,” assuming it to be the proper term, would also,
by reason of its contrasting effect, considerably enhance the value of
our hero’s domestic and social courtesy.
{83b} “Twll tal y rodawr.” Dr. Owen Pughe translates this “the front
opening of his chariot;” “twll ar ysgwyd,” however, in the lxxxvii
stanza, evidently refers to a shield, and this sense is, moreover,
supported by “tyllant tal ysgwydawr,” in Taliesin’s Ode on Gwallawg, as
well as “rac twll y gylchwy,” used by Cynddelw. The meaning therefore
appears to be that wherever the battle raged, there would the chief be
found, so boldly and _directly_ fighting as to have the very boss of his
shield perforated by the spears of his enemy.
{83c} “Brwyn.” From the practice which the Welsh Bards commonly had of
adapting their descriptive similes to the names, armorial bearings, or
some other peculiarities of their heroes, we may infer that the
chieftain, who is celebrated in this stanza, is none other than Madog ab
Brwyn. Indeed one copy reads “mab brwyn,” the son of Brwyn, rather than
_mal_ brwyn, as above. He is distinguished in the Triads with Ceugant
Beilliog and Rhuvon, under the appellation of the “three golden corpses,”
because their weight in gold was given by their families to have their
bodies delivered up by the enemy. (Myv. Arch. vol. ii. p. 69.) Madog ab
Brwyn was the grandson of Cunedda Wledig, lord of Gododin.
{84a} A maritime region in the north, as we infer, not only from the
works of Aneurin, but also from those of Taliesin and Merddin.
{84b} The rest having been slain.
{84c} “Erwyt” (erwyd) a pole, or a staff to mete with, and, like the
_gwialen_, an emblem of authority. “I will—mete out the valley of
Succoth.” (Psalm lx. 6.) A similar expression occurs in Llywarch Hen’s
Poems with reference to Urien Rheged, viz.
“Oedd cledyr cywlad rhwydd.”
which W. Owen has translated,—
“That was the prompt defender of his neighbourhood.”
{84d} Llywarch Hen says in like manner of his own son Gwen,—
“Rhythr eryr yn ebyr oeddyd.”
In the assault like the eagle at the fall of rivers thou wert.
The eagle was probably the armorial badge of the hero of this stanza.
{84e} Al. “y lyr,” to our shore. We have here an instance of the
kindred signification of some of the different readings found in the
Poem. Both words are used in juxtaposition in the following extracts;—
“Gwelais ar vorwyn—
Lliw golau tonau taenverw gwenyg
Llanw _ebyr_ ar _llyr_, lle ni mawr-drig.” (Cynddelw.)
I beheld on a maiden
The bright hue of the spreading ebullition of the breakers of the
waves,
Of the flood of the effluxes of rivers, on the strand, where it
tarries not long.
“Oedd ei var—
Megys twrv _ebyr_ yn _llyr_ llawn.” (Cynddelw.)
His rage
Was like the tumult of the mouths of rivers with a full margin.
“Calan hyddvrev, tymp dydd yn edwi,
Cynhwrv yn _ebyr_, _llyr_ yn llenwi.” (Ll P. Moch.)
The beginning of October, the period of the falling off of day,
There is tumult in the mouths of rivers, filling up the shore.
{85a} “I ammod.” This was probably a confederation entered into by the
different princes, for the purpose of uniting their forces against the
common enemy; a supposition corroborated by the word “cywlad,” just used.
The poet might, however, have intended a play upon the word “ammod,”
because of its great resemblance in sound to “ammwyd,” a _bait_, to which
the eagle was allured, “llithywyt” (llithiwyd) a strictly sporting term.
{85b} “A garwyd,” al. “a gatwyt” “was preserved, or protected.”
{85c} The connection between “arvaeth,” and the bannerial device is very
obvious at lines 110, 111.
“Mor ehelaeth
E aruaeth uch arwyt.”
With such a magnificent
Design of enterprize blazoned on his standard.
{85d} “O dechwyt,” i.e. _tech wyd_.
{85e} We have adopted “Manawyd” as a proper name, under the impression
that the different stanzas of the Gododin, albeit regular links of the
same general subject, are nevertheless in a manner each complete in
itself, and therefore that it would be more natural, where the drift of
the paragraph allowed, or seemed to have that tendency, to look out for
the names of the chiefs, who may be thus distinctly introduced; according
to the tenor of the following declaration which is appended to “Gorchan
Cynvelyn.” (Myv. Arch. vol. i. page 61.)
“Canu un Canuauc a dal pob Awdyl o’r Gododin heruyd breint yngcerd
amrysson. Tri chanu a thriugeint a thrychant a dal pob un or
Gorchaneu . . . Achaws yu am goffau yn y Gorchaneu rivedi Guyr a
aethant y Gatraeth nog y dyle gur vyned i ymlad heb arveu; Ny dyle
Bard myned i amrysson heb y gerd honno.”
Every Ode of the Gododin is equivalent to a single song, according to
the privilege of poetical competition. Each of the incantations is
equal to three hundred and sixty-three songs, because the number of
the men who went to Cattraeth is commemorated in the Incantations,
and as no man should go to battle without arms, so no Bard ought to
contend without that Poem.
It is true that in the Vellum MS. as transcribed by Davies, this does not
form a distinct stanza, but is a continuation of the preceding one.
Nevertheless in other copies a detached position is given to it, which
seems required also by the opening sentence, and particularly by the
rhyme.
We find, moreover, that Manawyd was anciently used as a proper name, for
not to mention Manawydan and Culvynawyd, we have Manawyd in one of
Taliesin’s Poems as undoubtedly the name of a person.
“Ys gwyr Manawyd a Phryderi.” (Myv. Arch. vol. i. p. 67.)
The name of Pryderi occurs further on in our Poem.
Manawyd is mentioned likewise in the Dialogue between Arthur, Cai, and
Glewlwyd,—
“Neus duc Manavid eis tull o Trywrid” (Myv. Arch. vol. i. p. 167.)
Dr. O. Pughe translates the line in the Gododin thus—
“There was a confident impelling forward of the shaft of the
variegated standard.”
{86a} “Ny nodi,” (ni nodi) _thou dost not mark_, thou art blind to the
arms of the enemy both defensive and offensive. “Nodi,” may also have
reference to “nod” in the third line of the stanza.
{86b} Al. “Protected against the assault of the battle of Manau;” i.e.
Mannau Gododin, or according to others, Mannau in which A.D. 582 Aidan
mac Gavran was victorious. (See Ritson’s Annals of Caledonia, Vol. ii.
p. 35.)
{87a} One reason for not regarding “Caeawc” as a proper name, may be
discovered in the manner in which the expression “cawawc cynhorawc” is
used in an anonymous poem of an early date, apud Myv. Arch. vol. i. page
180. The author, though he evidently borrowed it from the Gododin, as
indeed his allusion to Cattraeth a few lines before would likewise imply,
employs it merely as an epithet.
{87b} An allusion probably to his armorial bearings. Another reading
gives “bled e maran,” on the open strand.
{87c} “This singular fact of the ancient Britons wearing amber beads, is
confirmed by many beads of amber having been found in the barrows on
Salisbury plain, which have been recently dug. I understand that in
several of these graves, pieces of amber like beads have been met with;
and in one as many beads were found as would have made a wreath.” (S.
Turner’s Vind. 208, 209.)
{87d} “Am ran.” “Tri argau gwaed: gwaed hyd _ran_, a gwaed hyd gwll, a
gwaed hyd lawr; sev yw hynny, gwaed hyd _wyneb_, gwaed hyd ddillad, a
gwaed a reto hyd lawr.” (Law Triads, Myv. Arch, vol. iii. p. 342.)
Hence “amrant,” the eyelid.
{87e} Lit. “the place of wine,” otherwise “a horn of wine,”
“Ef a’m rhoddes medd a gwin o wydrin _ban_.
He gave me mead and wine from the transparent horn. (Taliesin.)
Al. “gwrnvann,” the place of the urn. In that case the line might be
thus translated,—
Precious was the amber, but its price was the grave.
{88a} The hero of this stanza we take to be the “son of Ysgyran”
himself. He disdained the eager advance of the enemy; for such was his
will, that he had only to declare it, to make Venedotia and the North
acknowledge his power, and submit to his jurisdiction; or, it may be, to
march unanimously to his side. Supposing “gwyar,” however, to be the
correct reading, we might render the line thus,—
He repelled violence, and gore trickled to the ground.
Perhaps the identity of the person commemorated with the son of Ysgyran
would become more evident by the addition of a comma after “gyssul,”
thus,—
“Ket dyffei wyned a gogled e rann
O gussyl,—mah Ysgyrran.”
Who Ysgyran, or Cyran (the _ys_ being a mere prefix) was, we have no
means of knowing, as the name does not occur any where in history.
{88b} Al. “The maimed shield-bearer,” (ysgwydwr.)
{88c} “Cyn-nod,” the principal mark or butt; the most conspicuous, owing
to his being in advance of his men, and perhaps on account of his stature
also, if “eg gawr,” or “yggawr” mean _giantlike_.
{88d} “Cyn-ran;” the foremost share, or participation of an action.
{89a} “Pymwnt,” (i.e. pum mwnt; “deg myrdd yn y mwnt,”) five hundred
thousand, which, multiplied by five, would give us 2,500,000 as the
number of men who composed the above battalions.
{89b} Deivyr and Bryneich, (_Deira and Bernicia_) are situated on the
eastern coast of the island, the river Humber, as we learn from the
Triads, (Myv. Arch. vol. ii. p. 68) flowing through a portion thereof.
In a document which has been published in the Iolo MSS. Argoed
Derwennydd, (Derwent wood probably) and the river Trenn or Trent, are
mentioned as the extreme boundaries of the region. The triads moreover
speak of the three sons of Dysgyvedawg, (or Dysgyvyndawd) viz. Gall,
Difedel, and Ysgavnell, under the appellation of the “three monarchs of
Deivyr and Bryneich,” (Ibid. p. 64) about the period, as it would appear,
of our Poem.
It is clear from the above passage in the Gododin, as well as from those
lines, (78, 79.)
“Ar deulu brenneych beych barnasswn
Dilyw dyn en vyw nys adawsswn.”
If I had judged you to be of the tribe of Bryneich,
Not the phantom of a man would I have left alive;
that the people of those countries were not at the time in question on
friendly terms with the neighbouring Britons; which circumstance is
further apparent from the contemporary testimony of Llywarch Hen, who
speaks of Urien as having conquered the land of Bryneich;
“Neus gorug o dir Brynaich.”
This, it is true, might have a reference to the Saxon tribes, who had
succeeded at an early period, in establishing themselves along the coast
in that part of the island, yet the disparaging manner in which the grave
of Disgyrnin Disgyfedawt, evidently the father of the “three monarchs,”
is spoken of in the Englynion y Beddau, inclines us strongly to the
belief that it was the Aborigines themselves who were thus guilty of
treason to the common weal.
“Cigleu don drom dra thywawd,
Am vedd Dysgyrnyn Dysgyveddawd,
Aches trwm angwres pechawd.”
Hear the sullen wave beyond the strand,
Round the grave of Dysgyrnyn Dysgyveddawd,
Heavy the burning impulse raised by sin.
(Myv. Arch. vol. i. p. 78.)
{90a} An allusion to the name of our hero’s father, (Bleiddan) and
probably to his own standard.
{90b} “Neithyawr.” Al. “than go to the altar.”
{90c} Al. “elawr” a _bier_, “than obtained a bier.” He was devoured by
the birds of prey ere he could be removed for interment.
{90d} Or, “Ere he received his nuptial dowry, his blood streamed down.”
{90e} Hyveidd Hir was the son of Bleiddan Sant, of Glamorgan, (the
celebrated Lupus.) According to the Triads he was one of the three alien
kings, upon whom dominion was conferred for their mighty deeds, and for
their praiseworthy and gracious qualities.
“Tri eilldeyrn ynys Prydain: Gwrgai vab Gwrien yn y Gogledd, a
Chadavael vab Cynvedw yng Ngwynedd, a Hyveidd Hir vab Bleiddan Sant
ym Morganwg: sev y rhodded Teyrnedd iddynt am eu campau a’u
cynneddvau clodvorion a rhadvorion.” (Triad, 26, third series.)
Taliesin, in his Ode to Urien, speaks of Hyveidd in conjunction with
Gododin;—
“Hyveidd a Gododin a lleu towys.” (Myv. Arch. vol. i. p. 57.)
His name also occurs in another poem, by the same Bard, “to Gwallawg ap
Lleenawg;”—
“Haearnddur a Hyfeidd a Gwallawg
Ac Owein Mon Maelgynig ddefawd
A wnaw peithwyr gorweiddiawg.”
Haearnddur and Hyveidd and Gwallawg,
And Owain of Mon, of Maelgynian manner,
Would prostrate the ravagers. (Myv. Arch. vol. i. p. 64.)
The epithet “Hir,” (_long_ or _tall_) applied to Hyveidd, countenances
the view of his being conspicuous on account of his size.
{91a} Gognaw must have been the son of Botgad. The name, as well as
that of the preceding hero, occurs in an Ode which Taliesin addressed to
Gwallawg ab Lleenawg.
“Gognaw ei brawd digones.”
If, however, it be not a proper name in this stanza, it may be rendered
either “with laughter and sprightliness,” or “they were a laughing
energy.”
{91b} Al. “As with blades they dealt mutual blows.”
{91c} “A llaw,” _a hand_; metaphorically _power_. Al. “a allaw,” _who
is able_.
{92a} The same consideration which induced us to regard “Manawyd” as a
proper name in a former stanza, has caused us to leave “Gwanar”
untranslated in this place. It is not improbable, however, from the
shortness of this sonnet, that the line containing the name of its hero
may have been lost. In that case we should translate “chwerthin wanar,”
“their leader laughed.” That Gwanar was occasionally used as a proper
name by the ancient Britons, appears from Triad xl. (first series) where
we find one of the sons of Lliaws ab Nwyvre so called. He flourished
however before the date of the Gododin, and cannot on that account be
identified with the Gwanar of the text. Taliesin uses the word in his
“Mic Dinbych,” apparently as a proper name;—
“Clod wasgar a Gwanar ydd ymddullyn.”
{92b} Or “gem of a regiment;” his choice regiment.
{92c} Al. “digynny,” _went up_.
{92d} The Bard in the two last lines seems to be addressing Death, or
Fate, which he designates as “the strong pillar of the living law,” or
the law of nature, just as the Latins called it “dura necessitas,”
“mortis dura lex,” “fatalis Parcarum lex,” &c. The expressions “heb vawr
drydar,” and “arwar,” indicative of the effects of death, are introduced
by way of contrast to the noisy mirth which characterised the warriors’
march to the field of battle. “Arwar” signifies literally a _quiescent
state_, or _state of general rest_; _pacification_; and as such is a very
proper term to denote the character of death.
“O _arwar_ daiar down i gyd dyddbrawd.” (Ll. P. Moch.)
From the silent state of earth we shall all come at the judgment day.
{93a} As the word “glas,” though primarily signifying _blue_, has also a
very general sense, and may mean merely _pale_ or _fresh_, yet as we find
decided colours attributed to mead elsewhere in the poem, such as
“melyn,” (yellow) and “gwyn” (white) we have thought proper to retain the
literal acceptation in this place, as a poetical variety, however
inapplicable to the beverage in question it may seem.
{93b} “Impia sub dulci melle venena latent.”
{93c} The name of the chieftain, who commanded this particular troop, is
not mentioned, unless (which is not very probable) we take “Trychant” in
the third line as a proper name, and translate thus,—
“Trychant marshals his men, armed with the weapons of war.”
Or, are we to understand by “trwy beiryant,” that he marshalled his men
by means of some instrument or machinery?
{93d} I.e. the silence of death.
{94a} “Fyryf frwythlawn,” i.e. “_fyrv_ frwythlawn;” the sense of “_furv_
frwythlawn” would seem to be “in vigorous order.”
{94b} The followers of the son of Cian (_a little dog_) are evidently
called “aergwn,” (_dogs of war_) in allusion to his patronymic, as well
as to the name of his residence, “maen gwyngwn,” (_the stone of the white
dogs_.) Probably also the figure of a dog was charged on their banner.
{94c} The Bernicians, as we have already noticed, were at this time
opposed to the British patriots. The Cymry carried a traditional hatred
of that people with them into Wales, and applied the term _Bryneich_ to
such of their kindred as allied themselves to the enemies of their
country, as is abundantly manifest in the works of the mediæval
Bards.—See STEPHEN’S Literature of the Kymry, p. 265.)
{94d} Or, “Like a deluge, I would not have left a man alive.”
{94e} It is very probable that the son of Cian had married a daughter of
one of the chiefs of Bryneich, which would thus account for the Bard’s
lurking apprehension at first, that he might be induced to barter his
allegiance for the dowry to be expected with his wife. His fears however
were groundless; for such were the purity and patriotism of our youthful
hero, that he even refused the dowry when it was offered to him, and
braved his father-in-law’s anger withal.
{95a} In Gorchan Maelderw we read of—
“The only son of Cian from Trabannawg.”
Cian was a Bard, and is mentioned as such by Nennius in the following
passage,—
“Item Talhaern Talanguen in Poemate claruit, et Nuevin et Taliessin,
et Bluchbar, et Cian qui vocatur Gueinchguant (_Cian who is called
Gwyngwn_) simul uno tempore in poemate Britannico claruerunt.”
Taliesin likewise represents him in that character in a Poem entitled,
“Angar Cyvyndawd.” (Myv. Arch. vol. i. p. 34.)
“Cian pan ddarvu
Lliaws gyvolu.”
When Cian sang the praise of many.
The circumstance of his being thus a poet, and classed with Aneurin
(Nuevin) would account for the intimacy which subsisted between the
latter and his son.
Cian is said to have been the servant of Peris, and to them conjointly is
Llangian in Caernarvonshire dedicated. Cian is commemorated on the 11th
of December.—See Rees’s Welsh Saints, p. 302.
{95b} It is probable that _three hundred_ was the number which composed
the retinue of Mynyddawg, and that a _hundred thousand_, a large round
figure, is chosen to denote the preponderance of the enemy’s forces that