Essays of Michel de Montaigne - 070
Sanojen kokonaismäärä on 4908
Yksilöllisten sanojen kokonaismäärä on 1469
45.9 sanoista on 2000 yleisimmän sanan joukossa
64.2 sanoista on 5 000 yleisimmän sanan joukossa
71.5 sanoista on 8 000 yleisimmän sanan joukossa
out of its natural season never regained an absolute sovereignty over the
other till he had arrived at an extreme old age and unable to undergo the
fatigues of war.
What is related for a contrary example of Ladislaus, king of Naples, is
very remarkable; that being a great captain, valiant and ambitious, he
proposed to himself for the principal end of his ambition, the execution
of his pleasure and the enjoyment of some rare and excellent beauty. His
death sealed up all the rest: for having by a close and tedious siege
reduced the city of Florence to so great distress that the inhabitants
were compelled to capitulate about surrender, he was content to let them
alone, provided they would deliver up to him a beautiful maid he had
heard of in their city; they were forced to yield to it, and by a private
injury to avert the public ruin. She was the daughter of a famous
physician of his time, who, finding himself involved in so foul a
necessity, resolved upon a high attempt. As every one was lending a hand
to trick up his daughter and to adorn her with ornaments and jewels to
render her more agreeable to this new lover, he also gave her a
handkerchief most richly wrought, and of an exquisite perfume, an
implement they never go without in those parts, which she was to make use
of at their first approaches. This handkerchief, poisoned with his
greatest art, coming to be rubbed between the chafed flesh and open
pores, both of the one and the other, so suddenly infused the poison,
that immediately converting their warm into a cold sweat they presently
died in one another’s arms.
But I return to Caesar. His pleasures never made him steal one minute of
an hour, nor go one step aside from occasions that might any way conduce
to his advancement. This passion was so sovereign in him over all the
rest, and with so absolute authority possessed his soul, that it guided
him at pleasure. In truth, this troubles me, when, as to everything
else, I consider the greatness of this man, and the wonderful parts
wherewith he was endued; learned to that degree in all sorts of knowledge
that there is hardly any one science of which he has not written; so
great an orator that many have preferred his eloquence to that of Cicero,
and he, I conceive, did not think himself inferior to him in that
particular, for his two anti-Catos were written to counterbalance the
elocution that Cicero had expended in his Cato. As to the rest, was ever
soul so vigilant, so active, and so patient of labour as his? and,
doubtless, it was embellished with many rare seeds of virtue, lively,
natural, and not put on; he was singularly sober; so far from being
delicate in his diet, that Oppius relates, how that having one day at
table set before him medicated instead of common oil in some sauce, he
ate heartily of it, that he might not put his entertainer out of
countenance. Another time he caused his baker to be whipped for serving
him with a finer than ordinary sort of bread. Cato himself was wont to
say of him, that he was the first sober man who ever made it his business
to ruin his country. And as to the same Cato’s calling, him one day
drunkard, it fell out thus being both of them in the Senate, at a time
when Catiline’s conspiracy was in question of which was Caesar was
suspected, one came and brought him a letter sealed up. Cato believing
that it was something the conspirators gave him notice of, required him
to deliver into his hand, which Caesar was constrained to do to avoid
further suspicion. It was by chance a love-letter that Servilia, Cato’s
sister, had written to him, which Cato having read, he threw it back to
him saying, “There, drunkard.” This, I say, was rather a word of disdain
and anger than an express reproach of this vice, as we often rate those
who anger us with the first injurious words that come into our mouths,
though nothing due to those we are offended at; to which may be added
that the vice with which Cato upbraided him is wonderfully near akin to
that wherein he had surprised Caesar; for Bacchus and Venus, according to
the proverb, very willingly agree; but to me Venus is much more sprightly
accompanied by sobriety. The examples of his sweetness and clemency to
those by whom he had been offended are infinite; I mean, besides those he
gave during the time of the civil wars, which, as plainly enough appears
by his writings, he practised to cajole his enemies, and to make them
less afraid of his future dominion and victory. But I must also say,
that if these examples are not sufficient proofs of his natural
sweetness, they, at least, manifest a marvellous confidence and grandeur
of courage in this person. He has often been known to dismiss whole
armies, after having overcome them, to his enemies, without ransom, or
deigning so much as to bind them by oath, if not to favour him, at least
no more to bear arms against him; he has three or four times taken some
of Pompey’s captains prisoners, and as often set them at liberty. Pompey
declared all those to be enemies who did not follow him to the war; he
proclaimed all those to be his friends who sat still and did not actually
take arms against him. To such captains of his as ran away from him to
go over to the other side, he sent, moreover, their arms, horses, and
equipage: the cities he had taken by force he left at full liberty to
follow which side they pleased, imposing no other garrison upon them but
the memory of his gentleness and clemency. He gave strict and express
charge, the day of his great battle of Pharsalia, that, without the
utmost necessity, no one should lay a hand upon the citizens of Rome.
These, in my opinion, were very hazardous proceedings, and ‘tis no wonder
if those in our civil war, who, like him, fight against the ancient
estate of their country, do not follow his example; they are
extraordinary means, and that only appertain to Caesar’s fortune, and to
his admirable foresight in the conduct of affairs. When I consider the
incomparable grandeur of his soul, I excuse victory that it could not
disengage itself from him, even in so unjust and so wicked a cause.
To return to his clemency: we have many striking examples in the time of
his government, when, all things being reduced to his power, he had no
more written against him which he had as sharply answered: yet he did not
soon after forbear to use his interest to make him consul. Caius Calvus,
who had composed several injurious epigrams against him, having employed
many of his friends to mediate a reconciliation with him, Caesar
voluntarily persuaded himself to write first to him. And our good
Catullus, who had so rudely ruffled him under the name of Mamurra, coming
to offer his excuses to him, he made the same day sit at his table.
Having intelligence of some who spoke ill of him, he did no more, but
only by a public oration declare that he had notice of it. He still less
feared his enemies than he hated them; some conspiracies and cabals that
were made against his life being discovered to him, he satisfied himself
in publishing by proclamation that they were known to him, without
further prosecuting the conspirators.
As to the respect he had for his friends: Caius Oppius, being with him
upon a journey, and finding himself ill, he left him the only lodging he
had for himself, and lay all night upon a hard ground in the open air.
As to what concerns his justice, he put a beloved servant of his to death
for lying with a noble Roman’s wife, though there was no complaint made.
Never had man more moderation in his victory, nor more resolution in his
adverse fortune.
But all these good inclinations were stifled and spoiled by his furious
ambition, by which he suffered himself to be so transported and misled
that one may easily maintain that this passion was the rudder of all his
actions; of a liberal man, it made him a public thief to supply this
bounty and profusion, and made him utter this vile and unjust saying,
“That if the most wicked and profligate persons in the world had been
faithful in serving him towards his advancement, he would cherish and
prefer them to the utmost of his power, as much as the best of men.”
It intoxicated him with so excessive a vanity, as to dare to boast in the
presence of his fellow-citizens, that he had made the great commonwealth
of Rome a name without form and without body; and to say that his answers
for the future should stand for laws; and also to receive the body of the
Senate coming to him, sitting; to suffer himself to be adored, and to
have divine honours paid to him in his own presence. To conclude, this
sole vice, in my opinion, spoiled in him the most rich and beautiful
nature that ever was, and has rendered his name abominable to all good
men, in that he would erect his glory upon the ruins of his country and
the subversion of the greatest and most flourishing republic the world
shall ever see.
There might, on the contrary, many examples be produced of great men whom
pleasures have made to neglect the conduct of their affairs, as Mark
Antony and others; but where love and ambition should be in equal
balance, and come to jostle with equal forces, I make no doubt but the
last would win the prize.
To return to my subject: ‘tis much to bridle our appetites by the
argument of reason, or, by violence, to contain our members within their
duty; but to lash ourselves for our neighbour’s interest, and not only to
divest ourselves of the charming passion that tickles us, of the pleasure
we feel in being agreeable to others, and courted and beloved of every
one, but also to conceive a hatred against the graces that produce that
effect, and to condemn our beauty because it inflames others; of this, I
confess, I have met with few examples. But this is one. Spurina, a
young man of Tuscany:
“Qualis gemma micat, fulvum quae dividit aurum,
Aut collo decus, aut cupiti: vel quale per artem
Inclusum buxo aut Oricia terebintho
Lucet ebur,”
[“As a gem shines enchased in yellow gold, or an ornament on the
neck or head, or as ivory has lustre, set by art in boxwood or
Orician ebony.”--AEneid, x. 134.]
being endowed with a singular beauty, and so excessive, that the chastest
eyes could not chastely behold its rays; not contenting himself with
leaving so much flame and fever as he everywhere kindled without relief,
entered into a furious spite against himself and those great endowments
nature had so liberally conferred upon him, as if a man were responsible
to himself for the faults of others, and purposely slashed and
disfigured, with many wounds and scars, the perfect symmetry and
proportion that nature had so curiously imprinted in his face. To give
my free opinion, I more admire than honour such actions: such excesses
are enemies to my rules. The design was conscientious and good, but
certainly a little defective in prudence. What if his deformity served
afterwards to make others guilty of the sin of hatred or contempt; or of
envy at the glory of so rare a recommendation; or of calumny,
interpreting this humour a mad ambition! Is there any form from which
vice cannot, if it will, extract occasion to exercise itself, one way or
another? It had been more just, and also more noble, to have made of
these gifts of God a subject of exemplary regularity and virtue.
They who retire themselves from the common offices, from that infinite
number of troublesome rules that fetter a man of exact honesty in civil
life, are in my opinion very discreet, what peculiar sharpness of
constraint soever they impose upon themselves in so doing. ‘Tis in some
sort a kind of dying to avoid the pain of living well. They may have
another reward; but the reward of difficulty I fancy they can never have;
nor, in uneasiness, that there can be anything more or better done than
the keeping oneself upright amid the waves of the world, truly and
exactly performing all parts of our duty. ‘Tis, peradventure, more easy
to keep clear of the sex than to maintain one’s self aright in all points
in the society of a wife; and a man may with less trouble adapt himself
to entire abstinence than to the due dispensation of abundance. Use,
carried on according to reason, has in it more of difficulty than
abstinence; moderation is a virtue that gives more work than suffering;
the well living of Scipio has a thousand fashions, that of Diogenes but
one; this as much excels the ordinary lives in innocence as the most
accomplished excel them in utility and force.
CHAPTER XXXIV
OBSERVATION ON THE MEANS TO CARRY ON A WAR ACCORDING TO JULIUS CAESAR
‘Tis related of many great leaders that they have had certain books in
particular esteem, as Alexander the Great, Homer; Scipio Africanus,
Xenophon; Marcus Brutus, Polybius; Charles V., Philip’de Comines; and
‘tis said that, in our times, Machiavelli is elsewhere still in repute;
but the late Marshal Strozzi, who had taken Caesar for his man, doubtless
made the best choice, seeing that it indeed ought to be the breviary of
every soldier, as being the true and sovereign pattern of the military
art. And, moreover, God knows with that grace and beauty he has
embellished that rich matter, with so pure, delicate, and perfect
expression, that, in my opinion, there are no writings in the world
comparable to his, as to that business.
I will set down some rare and particular passages of his wars that remain
in my memory.
His army, being in some consternation upon the rumour that was spread of
the great forces that king Juba was leading against him, instead of
abating the apprehension which his soldiers had conceived at the news and
of lessening to them the forces of the enemy, having called them all
together to encourage and reassure them, he took a quite contrary way to
what we are used to do, for he told them that they need no more trouble
themselves with inquiring after the enemy’s forces, for that he was
certainly informed thereof, and then told them of a number much
surpassing both the truth and the report that was current in his army;
following the advice of Cyrus in Xenophon, forasmuch as the deception is
not of so great importance to find an enemy weaker than we expected, than
to find him really very strong, after having been made to believe that he
was weak.
It was always his use to accustom his soldiers simply to obey, without
taking upon them to control, or so much as to speak of their captain’s
designs, which he never communicated to them but upon the point of
execution; and he took a delight, if they discovered anything of what he
intended, immediately to change his orders to deceive them; and to that
purpose, would often, when he had assigned his quarters in a place, pass
forward and lengthen his day’s march, especially if it was foul and rainy
weather.
The Swiss, in the beginning of his wars in Gaul, having sent to him to
demand a free passage over the Roman territories, though resolved to
hinder them by force, he nevertheless spoke kindly to the messengers, and
took some respite to return an answer, to make use of that time for the
calling his army together. These silly people did not know how good a
husband he was of his time: for he often repeats that it is the best part
of a captain to know how to make use of occasions, and his diligence in
his exploits is, in truth, unheard of and incredible.
If he was not very conscientious in taking advantage of an enemy under
colour of a treaty of agreement, he was as little so in this, that he
required no other virtue in a soldier but valour only, and seldom
punished any other faults but mutiny and disobedience. He would often
after his victories turn them loose to all sorts of licence, dispensing
them for some time from the rules of military discipline, saying withal
that he had soldiers so well trained up that, powdered and perfumed, they
would run furiously to the fight. In truth, he loved to have them richly
armed, and made them wear engraved, gilded, and damasked armour, to the
end that the care of saving it might engage them to a more obstinate
defence. Speaking to them, he called them by the name of
fellow-soldiers, which we yet use; which his successor, Augustus,
reformed, supposing he had only done it upon necessity, and to cajole
those who merely followed him as volunteers:
“Rheni mihi Caesar in undis
Dux erat; hic socius; facinus quos inquinat, aequat:”
[“In the waters of the Rhine Caesar was my general; here at Rome he
is my fellow. Crime levels those whom it polluted.”
--Lucan, v. 289.]
but that this carriage was too mean and low for the dignity of an emperor
and general of an army, and therefore brought up the custom of calling
them soldiers only.
With this courtesy Caesar mixed great severity to keep them in awe; the
ninth legion having mutinied near Placentia, he ignominiously cashiered
them, though Pompey was then yet on foot, and received them not again to
grace till after many supplications; he quieted them more by authority
and boldness than by gentle ways.
In that place where he speaks of his, passage over the Rhine to Germany,
he says that, thinking it unworthy of the honour of the Roman people to
waft over his army in vessels, he built a bridge that they might pass
over dry-foot. There it was that he built that wonderful bridge of which
he gives so particular a description; for he nowhere so willingly dwells
upon his actions as in representing to us the subtlety of his inventions
in such kind of handiwork.
I have also observed this, that he set a great value upon his
exhortations to the soldiers before the fight; for where he would show
that he was either surprised or reduced to a necessity of fighting, he
always brings in this, that he had not so much as leisure to harangue his
army. Before that great battle with those of Tournay, “Caesar,” says he,
“having given order for everything else, presently ran where fortune
carried him to encourage his people, and meeting with the tenth legion,
had no more time to say anything to them but this, that they should
remember their wonted valour; not to be astonished, but bravely sustain
the enemy’s encounter; and seeing the enemy had already approached within
a dart’s cast, he gave the signal for battle; and going suddenly thence
elsewhere, to encourage others, he found that they were already engaged.”
Here is what he tells us in that place. His tongue, indeed, did him
notable service upon several occasions, and his military eloquence was,
in his own time, so highly reputed, that many of his army wrote down his
harangues as he spoke them, by which means there were volumes of them
collected that existed a long time after him. He had so particular a
grace in speaking, that his intimates, and Augustus amongst others,
hearing those orations read, could distinguish even to the phrases and
words that were not his.
The first time that he went out of Rome with any public command, he
arrived in eight days at the river Rhone, having with him in his coach a
secretary or two before him who were continually writing, and him who
carried his sword behind him. And certainly, though a man did nothing
but go on, he could hardly attain that promptitude with which, having
been everywhere victorious in Gaul, he left it, and, following Pompey to
Brundusium, in eighteen days’ time he subdued all Italy; returned from
Brundusium to Rome; from Rome went into the very heart of Spain, where he
surmounted extreme difficulties in the war against Afranius and Petreius,
and in the long siege of Marseilles; thence he returned into Macedonia,
beat the Roman army at Pharsalia, passed thence in pursuit of Pompey into
Egypt, which he also subdued; from Egypt he went into Syria and the
territories of Pontus, where he fought Pharnaces; thence into Africa,
where he defeated Scipio and Juba; again returned through Italy, where he
defeated Pompey’s sons:
“Ocyor et coeli fiammis, et tigride foeta.”
[“Swifter than lightning, or the cub-bearing tigress.”
--Lucan, v. 405]
“Ac veluti montis saxum de, vertice praeceps
Cum ruit avulsum vento, seu turbidus imber
Proluit, aut annis solvit sublapsa vetustas,
Fertur in abruptum magno mons improbus actu,
Exultatque solo, silvas, armenta, virosque,
Involvens secum.”
[“And as a stone torn from the mountain’s top by the wind or rain
torrents, or loosened by age, falls massive with mighty force,
bounds here and there, in its course sweeps from the earth with it
woods, herds, and men.”--AEneid, xii. 684.]
Speaking of the siege of Avaricum, he says, that it, was his custom to be
night and day with the pioneers.--[Engineers. D.W.]--In all enterprises
of consequence he always reconnoitred in person, and never brought his
army into quarters till he had first viewed the place, and, if we may
believe Suetonius, when he resolved to pass over into England, he was the
first man that sounded the passage.
He was wont to say that he more valued a victory obtained by counsel than
by force, and in the war against Petreius and Afranius, fortune
presenting him with an occasion of manifest advantage, he declined it,
saying, that he hoped, with a little more time, but less hazard, to
overthrow his enemies. He there also played a notable part in commanding
his whole army to pass the river by swimming, without any manner of
necessity:
“Rapuitque ruens in praelia miles,
Quod fugiens timuisset, iter; mox uda receptis
Membra fovent armis, gelidosque a gurgite, cursu
Restituunt artus.”
[“The soldier rushing through a way to fight which he would have
been afraid to have taken in flight: then with their armour they
cover wet limbs, and by running restore warmth to their numbed
joints.”--Lucan, iv. 151.]
I find him a little more temperate and considerate in his enterprises
than Alexander, for this man seems to seek and run headlong upon dangers
like an impetuous torrent which attacks and rushes against everything it
meets, without choice or discretion;
“Sic tauriformis volvitur Aufidus;
Qui regna Dauni perfluit Appuli,
Dum saevit, horrendamque cultis
Diluviem meditatur agris;”
[“So the biforked Aufidus, which flows through the realm of the
Apulian Daunus, when raging, threatens a fearful deluge to the
tilled ground.”--Horat., Od., iv. 14, 25.]
and, indeed, he was a general in the flower and first heat of his youth,
whereas Caesar took up the trade at a ripe and well advanced age; to
which may be added that Alexander was of a more sanguine, hot, and
choleric constitution, which he also inflamed with wine, from which
Caesar was very abstinent.
But where necessary occasion required, never did any man venture his
person more than he: so much so, that for my part, methinks I read in
many of his exploits a determinate resolution to throw himself away to
avoid the shame of being overcome. In his great battle with those of
Tournay, he charged up to the head of the enemies without his shield,
just as he was seeing the van of his own army beginning to give ground’;
which also several other times befell him. Hearing that his people were
besieged, he passed through the enemy’s army in disguise to go and
encourage them with his presence. Having crossed over to Dyrrachium with
very slender forces, and seeing the remainder of his army which he had
left to Antony’s conduct slow in following him, he undertook alone to
repass the sea in a very great storms and privately stole away to fetch
the rest of his forces, the ports on the other side being seized by
Pompey, and the whole sea being in his possession. And as to what he
performed by force of hand, there are many exploits that in hazard exceed
all the rules of war; for with how small means did he undertake to subdue
the kingdom of Egypt, and afterwards to attack the forces of Scipio and
Juba, ten times greater than his own? These people had, I know not what,
more than human confidence in their fortune; and he was wont to say that
men must embark, and not deliberate, upon high enterprises. After the
battle of Pharsalia, when he had sent his army away before him into Asia,
and was passing in one single vessel the strait of the Hellespont, he met
Lucius Cassius at sea with ten tall men-of-war, when he had the courage
not only to stay his coming, but to sail up to him and summon him to
yield, which he did.
Having undertaken that furious siege of Alexia, where there were
fourscore thousand men in garrison, all Gaul being in arms to raise the
siege and having set an army on foot of a hundred and nine thousand
horse, and of two hundred and forty thousand foot, what a boldness and
vehement confidence was it in him that he would not give over his
attempt, but resolved upon two so great difficulties--which nevertheless
he overcame; and, after having won that great battle against those
without, soon reduced those within to his mercy. The same happened to
Lucullus at the siege of Tigranocerta against King Tigranes, but the
condition of the enemy was not the same, considering the effeminacy of
those with whom Lucullus had to deal. I will here set down two rare and
extraordinary events concerning this siege of Alexia; one, that the Gauls
having drawn their powers together to encounter Caesar, after they had
made a general muster of all their forces, resolved in their council of
war to dismiss a good part of this great multitude, that they might not
fall into confusion. This example of fearing to be too many is new; but,
to take it right, it stands to reason that the body of an army should be
of a moderate greatness, and regulated to certain bounds, both out of
respect to the difficulty of providing for them, and the difficulty of
governing and keeping them in order. At least it is very easy to make it
appear by example that armies monstrous in number have seldom done
anything to purpose. According to the saying of Cyrus in Xenophon,
“‘Tis not the number of men, but the number of good men, that gives the
advantage”: the remainder serving rather to trouble than assist. And
Bajazet principally grounded his resolution of giving Tamerlane battle,
contrary to the opinion of all his captains, upon this, that his enemies
numberless number of men gave him assured hopes of confusion.
Scanderbeg, a very good and expert judge in such matters, was wont to say
that ten or twelve thousand reliable fighting men were sufficient to a
good leader to secure his regulation in all sorts of military occasions.
The other thing I will here record, which seems to be contrary both to
the custom and rules of war, is, that Vercingetorix, who was made general
of all the parts of the revolted Gaul, should go shut up himself in
Alexia: for he who has the command of a whole country ought never to shut
himself up but in case of such last extremity that the only place he has
left is in concern, and that the only hope he has left is in the defence
of that city; otherwise he ought to keep himself always at liberty, that
he may have the means to provide, in general, for all parts of his
government.
To return to Caesar. He grew, in time, more slow and more considerate,
as his friend Oppius witnesses: conceiving that he ought not lightly to
hazard the glory of so many victories, which one blow of fortune might
deprive him of. ‘Tis what the Italians say, when they would reproach the
rashness and foolhardiness of young people, calling them Bisognosi
d’onore, “necessitous of honour,” and that being in so great a want and
dearth of reputation, they have reason to seek it at what price soever,
which they ought not to do who have acquired enough already. There may
reasonably be some moderation, some satiety, in this thirst and appetite
of glory, as well as in other things: and there are enough people who
practise it.
other till he had arrived at an extreme old age and unable to undergo the
fatigues of war.
What is related for a contrary example of Ladislaus, king of Naples, is
very remarkable; that being a great captain, valiant and ambitious, he
proposed to himself for the principal end of his ambition, the execution
of his pleasure and the enjoyment of some rare and excellent beauty. His
death sealed up all the rest: for having by a close and tedious siege
reduced the city of Florence to so great distress that the inhabitants
were compelled to capitulate about surrender, he was content to let them
alone, provided they would deliver up to him a beautiful maid he had
heard of in their city; they were forced to yield to it, and by a private
injury to avert the public ruin. She was the daughter of a famous
physician of his time, who, finding himself involved in so foul a
necessity, resolved upon a high attempt. As every one was lending a hand
to trick up his daughter and to adorn her with ornaments and jewels to
render her more agreeable to this new lover, he also gave her a
handkerchief most richly wrought, and of an exquisite perfume, an
implement they never go without in those parts, which she was to make use
of at their first approaches. This handkerchief, poisoned with his
greatest art, coming to be rubbed between the chafed flesh and open
pores, both of the one and the other, so suddenly infused the poison,
that immediately converting their warm into a cold sweat they presently
died in one another’s arms.
But I return to Caesar. His pleasures never made him steal one minute of
an hour, nor go one step aside from occasions that might any way conduce
to his advancement. This passion was so sovereign in him over all the
rest, and with so absolute authority possessed his soul, that it guided
him at pleasure. In truth, this troubles me, when, as to everything
else, I consider the greatness of this man, and the wonderful parts
wherewith he was endued; learned to that degree in all sorts of knowledge
that there is hardly any one science of which he has not written; so
great an orator that many have preferred his eloquence to that of Cicero,
and he, I conceive, did not think himself inferior to him in that
particular, for his two anti-Catos were written to counterbalance the
elocution that Cicero had expended in his Cato. As to the rest, was ever
soul so vigilant, so active, and so patient of labour as his? and,
doubtless, it was embellished with many rare seeds of virtue, lively,
natural, and not put on; he was singularly sober; so far from being
delicate in his diet, that Oppius relates, how that having one day at
table set before him medicated instead of common oil in some sauce, he
ate heartily of it, that he might not put his entertainer out of
countenance. Another time he caused his baker to be whipped for serving
him with a finer than ordinary sort of bread. Cato himself was wont to
say of him, that he was the first sober man who ever made it his business
to ruin his country. And as to the same Cato’s calling, him one day
drunkard, it fell out thus being both of them in the Senate, at a time
when Catiline’s conspiracy was in question of which was Caesar was
suspected, one came and brought him a letter sealed up. Cato believing
that it was something the conspirators gave him notice of, required him
to deliver into his hand, which Caesar was constrained to do to avoid
further suspicion. It was by chance a love-letter that Servilia, Cato’s
sister, had written to him, which Cato having read, he threw it back to
him saying, “There, drunkard.” This, I say, was rather a word of disdain
and anger than an express reproach of this vice, as we often rate those
who anger us with the first injurious words that come into our mouths,
though nothing due to those we are offended at; to which may be added
that the vice with which Cato upbraided him is wonderfully near akin to
that wherein he had surprised Caesar; for Bacchus and Venus, according to
the proverb, very willingly agree; but to me Venus is much more sprightly
accompanied by sobriety. The examples of his sweetness and clemency to
those by whom he had been offended are infinite; I mean, besides those he
gave during the time of the civil wars, which, as plainly enough appears
by his writings, he practised to cajole his enemies, and to make them
less afraid of his future dominion and victory. But I must also say,
that if these examples are not sufficient proofs of his natural
sweetness, they, at least, manifest a marvellous confidence and grandeur
of courage in this person. He has often been known to dismiss whole
armies, after having overcome them, to his enemies, without ransom, or
deigning so much as to bind them by oath, if not to favour him, at least
no more to bear arms against him; he has three or four times taken some
of Pompey’s captains prisoners, and as often set them at liberty. Pompey
declared all those to be enemies who did not follow him to the war; he
proclaimed all those to be his friends who sat still and did not actually
take arms against him. To such captains of his as ran away from him to
go over to the other side, he sent, moreover, their arms, horses, and
equipage: the cities he had taken by force he left at full liberty to
follow which side they pleased, imposing no other garrison upon them but
the memory of his gentleness and clemency. He gave strict and express
charge, the day of his great battle of Pharsalia, that, without the
utmost necessity, no one should lay a hand upon the citizens of Rome.
These, in my opinion, were very hazardous proceedings, and ‘tis no wonder
if those in our civil war, who, like him, fight against the ancient
estate of their country, do not follow his example; they are
extraordinary means, and that only appertain to Caesar’s fortune, and to
his admirable foresight in the conduct of affairs. When I consider the
incomparable grandeur of his soul, I excuse victory that it could not
disengage itself from him, even in so unjust and so wicked a cause.
To return to his clemency: we have many striking examples in the time of
his government, when, all things being reduced to his power, he had no
more written against him which he had as sharply answered: yet he did not
soon after forbear to use his interest to make him consul. Caius Calvus,
who had composed several injurious epigrams against him, having employed
many of his friends to mediate a reconciliation with him, Caesar
voluntarily persuaded himself to write first to him. And our good
Catullus, who had so rudely ruffled him under the name of Mamurra, coming
to offer his excuses to him, he made the same day sit at his table.
Having intelligence of some who spoke ill of him, he did no more, but
only by a public oration declare that he had notice of it. He still less
feared his enemies than he hated them; some conspiracies and cabals that
were made against his life being discovered to him, he satisfied himself
in publishing by proclamation that they were known to him, without
further prosecuting the conspirators.
As to the respect he had for his friends: Caius Oppius, being with him
upon a journey, and finding himself ill, he left him the only lodging he
had for himself, and lay all night upon a hard ground in the open air.
As to what concerns his justice, he put a beloved servant of his to death
for lying with a noble Roman’s wife, though there was no complaint made.
Never had man more moderation in his victory, nor more resolution in his
adverse fortune.
But all these good inclinations were stifled and spoiled by his furious
ambition, by which he suffered himself to be so transported and misled
that one may easily maintain that this passion was the rudder of all his
actions; of a liberal man, it made him a public thief to supply this
bounty and profusion, and made him utter this vile and unjust saying,
“That if the most wicked and profligate persons in the world had been
faithful in serving him towards his advancement, he would cherish and
prefer them to the utmost of his power, as much as the best of men.”
It intoxicated him with so excessive a vanity, as to dare to boast in the
presence of his fellow-citizens, that he had made the great commonwealth
of Rome a name without form and without body; and to say that his answers
for the future should stand for laws; and also to receive the body of the
Senate coming to him, sitting; to suffer himself to be adored, and to
have divine honours paid to him in his own presence. To conclude, this
sole vice, in my opinion, spoiled in him the most rich and beautiful
nature that ever was, and has rendered his name abominable to all good
men, in that he would erect his glory upon the ruins of his country and
the subversion of the greatest and most flourishing republic the world
shall ever see.
There might, on the contrary, many examples be produced of great men whom
pleasures have made to neglect the conduct of their affairs, as Mark
Antony and others; but where love and ambition should be in equal
balance, and come to jostle with equal forces, I make no doubt but the
last would win the prize.
To return to my subject: ‘tis much to bridle our appetites by the
argument of reason, or, by violence, to contain our members within their
duty; but to lash ourselves for our neighbour’s interest, and not only to
divest ourselves of the charming passion that tickles us, of the pleasure
we feel in being agreeable to others, and courted and beloved of every
one, but also to conceive a hatred against the graces that produce that
effect, and to condemn our beauty because it inflames others; of this, I
confess, I have met with few examples. But this is one. Spurina, a
young man of Tuscany:
“Qualis gemma micat, fulvum quae dividit aurum,
Aut collo decus, aut cupiti: vel quale per artem
Inclusum buxo aut Oricia terebintho
Lucet ebur,”
[“As a gem shines enchased in yellow gold, or an ornament on the
neck or head, or as ivory has lustre, set by art in boxwood or
Orician ebony.”--AEneid, x. 134.]
being endowed with a singular beauty, and so excessive, that the chastest
eyes could not chastely behold its rays; not contenting himself with
leaving so much flame and fever as he everywhere kindled without relief,
entered into a furious spite against himself and those great endowments
nature had so liberally conferred upon him, as if a man were responsible
to himself for the faults of others, and purposely slashed and
disfigured, with many wounds and scars, the perfect symmetry and
proportion that nature had so curiously imprinted in his face. To give
my free opinion, I more admire than honour such actions: such excesses
are enemies to my rules. The design was conscientious and good, but
certainly a little defective in prudence. What if his deformity served
afterwards to make others guilty of the sin of hatred or contempt; or of
envy at the glory of so rare a recommendation; or of calumny,
interpreting this humour a mad ambition! Is there any form from which
vice cannot, if it will, extract occasion to exercise itself, one way or
another? It had been more just, and also more noble, to have made of
these gifts of God a subject of exemplary regularity and virtue.
They who retire themselves from the common offices, from that infinite
number of troublesome rules that fetter a man of exact honesty in civil
life, are in my opinion very discreet, what peculiar sharpness of
constraint soever they impose upon themselves in so doing. ‘Tis in some
sort a kind of dying to avoid the pain of living well. They may have
another reward; but the reward of difficulty I fancy they can never have;
nor, in uneasiness, that there can be anything more or better done than
the keeping oneself upright amid the waves of the world, truly and
exactly performing all parts of our duty. ‘Tis, peradventure, more easy
to keep clear of the sex than to maintain one’s self aright in all points
in the society of a wife; and a man may with less trouble adapt himself
to entire abstinence than to the due dispensation of abundance. Use,
carried on according to reason, has in it more of difficulty than
abstinence; moderation is a virtue that gives more work than suffering;
the well living of Scipio has a thousand fashions, that of Diogenes but
one; this as much excels the ordinary lives in innocence as the most
accomplished excel them in utility and force.
CHAPTER XXXIV
OBSERVATION ON THE MEANS TO CARRY ON A WAR ACCORDING TO JULIUS CAESAR
‘Tis related of many great leaders that they have had certain books in
particular esteem, as Alexander the Great, Homer; Scipio Africanus,
Xenophon; Marcus Brutus, Polybius; Charles V., Philip’de Comines; and
‘tis said that, in our times, Machiavelli is elsewhere still in repute;
but the late Marshal Strozzi, who had taken Caesar for his man, doubtless
made the best choice, seeing that it indeed ought to be the breviary of
every soldier, as being the true and sovereign pattern of the military
art. And, moreover, God knows with that grace and beauty he has
embellished that rich matter, with so pure, delicate, and perfect
expression, that, in my opinion, there are no writings in the world
comparable to his, as to that business.
I will set down some rare and particular passages of his wars that remain
in my memory.
His army, being in some consternation upon the rumour that was spread of
the great forces that king Juba was leading against him, instead of
abating the apprehension which his soldiers had conceived at the news and
of lessening to them the forces of the enemy, having called them all
together to encourage and reassure them, he took a quite contrary way to
what we are used to do, for he told them that they need no more trouble
themselves with inquiring after the enemy’s forces, for that he was
certainly informed thereof, and then told them of a number much
surpassing both the truth and the report that was current in his army;
following the advice of Cyrus in Xenophon, forasmuch as the deception is
not of so great importance to find an enemy weaker than we expected, than
to find him really very strong, after having been made to believe that he
was weak.
It was always his use to accustom his soldiers simply to obey, without
taking upon them to control, or so much as to speak of their captain’s
designs, which he never communicated to them but upon the point of
execution; and he took a delight, if they discovered anything of what he
intended, immediately to change his orders to deceive them; and to that
purpose, would often, when he had assigned his quarters in a place, pass
forward and lengthen his day’s march, especially if it was foul and rainy
weather.
The Swiss, in the beginning of his wars in Gaul, having sent to him to
demand a free passage over the Roman territories, though resolved to
hinder them by force, he nevertheless spoke kindly to the messengers, and
took some respite to return an answer, to make use of that time for the
calling his army together. These silly people did not know how good a
husband he was of his time: for he often repeats that it is the best part
of a captain to know how to make use of occasions, and his diligence in
his exploits is, in truth, unheard of and incredible.
If he was not very conscientious in taking advantage of an enemy under
colour of a treaty of agreement, he was as little so in this, that he
required no other virtue in a soldier but valour only, and seldom
punished any other faults but mutiny and disobedience. He would often
after his victories turn them loose to all sorts of licence, dispensing
them for some time from the rules of military discipline, saying withal
that he had soldiers so well trained up that, powdered and perfumed, they
would run furiously to the fight. In truth, he loved to have them richly
armed, and made them wear engraved, gilded, and damasked armour, to the
end that the care of saving it might engage them to a more obstinate
defence. Speaking to them, he called them by the name of
fellow-soldiers, which we yet use; which his successor, Augustus,
reformed, supposing he had only done it upon necessity, and to cajole
those who merely followed him as volunteers:
“Rheni mihi Caesar in undis
Dux erat; hic socius; facinus quos inquinat, aequat:”
[“In the waters of the Rhine Caesar was my general; here at Rome he
is my fellow. Crime levels those whom it polluted.”
--Lucan, v. 289.]
but that this carriage was too mean and low for the dignity of an emperor
and general of an army, and therefore brought up the custom of calling
them soldiers only.
With this courtesy Caesar mixed great severity to keep them in awe; the
ninth legion having mutinied near Placentia, he ignominiously cashiered
them, though Pompey was then yet on foot, and received them not again to
grace till after many supplications; he quieted them more by authority
and boldness than by gentle ways.
In that place where he speaks of his, passage over the Rhine to Germany,
he says that, thinking it unworthy of the honour of the Roman people to
waft over his army in vessels, he built a bridge that they might pass
over dry-foot. There it was that he built that wonderful bridge of which
he gives so particular a description; for he nowhere so willingly dwells
upon his actions as in representing to us the subtlety of his inventions
in such kind of handiwork.
I have also observed this, that he set a great value upon his
exhortations to the soldiers before the fight; for where he would show
that he was either surprised or reduced to a necessity of fighting, he
always brings in this, that he had not so much as leisure to harangue his
army. Before that great battle with those of Tournay, “Caesar,” says he,
“having given order for everything else, presently ran where fortune
carried him to encourage his people, and meeting with the tenth legion,
had no more time to say anything to them but this, that they should
remember their wonted valour; not to be astonished, but bravely sustain
the enemy’s encounter; and seeing the enemy had already approached within
a dart’s cast, he gave the signal for battle; and going suddenly thence
elsewhere, to encourage others, he found that they were already engaged.”
Here is what he tells us in that place. His tongue, indeed, did him
notable service upon several occasions, and his military eloquence was,
in his own time, so highly reputed, that many of his army wrote down his
harangues as he spoke them, by which means there were volumes of them
collected that existed a long time after him. He had so particular a
grace in speaking, that his intimates, and Augustus amongst others,
hearing those orations read, could distinguish even to the phrases and
words that were not his.
The first time that he went out of Rome with any public command, he
arrived in eight days at the river Rhone, having with him in his coach a
secretary or two before him who were continually writing, and him who
carried his sword behind him. And certainly, though a man did nothing
but go on, he could hardly attain that promptitude with which, having
been everywhere victorious in Gaul, he left it, and, following Pompey to
Brundusium, in eighteen days’ time he subdued all Italy; returned from
Brundusium to Rome; from Rome went into the very heart of Spain, where he
surmounted extreme difficulties in the war against Afranius and Petreius,
and in the long siege of Marseilles; thence he returned into Macedonia,
beat the Roman army at Pharsalia, passed thence in pursuit of Pompey into
Egypt, which he also subdued; from Egypt he went into Syria and the
territories of Pontus, where he fought Pharnaces; thence into Africa,
where he defeated Scipio and Juba; again returned through Italy, where he
defeated Pompey’s sons:
“Ocyor et coeli fiammis, et tigride foeta.”
[“Swifter than lightning, or the cub-bearing tigress.”
--Lucan, v. 405]
“Ac veluti montis saxum de, vertice praeceps
Cum ruit avulsum vento, seu turbidus imber
Proluit, aut annis solvit sublapsa vetustas,
Fertur in abruptum magno mons improbus actu,
Exultatque solo, silvas, armenta, virosque,
Involvens secum.”
[“And as a stone torn from the mountain’s top by the wind or rain
torrents, or loosened by age, falls massive with mighty force,
bounds here and there, in its course sweeps from the earth with it
woods, herds, and men.”--AEneid, xii. 684.]
Speaking of the siege of Avaricum, he says, that it, was his custom to be
night and day with the pioneers.--[Engineers. D.W.]--In all enterprises
of consequence he always reconnoitred in person, and never brought his
army into quarters till he had first viewed the place, and, if we may
believe Suetonius, when he resolved to pass over into England, he was the
first man that sounded the passage.
He was wont to say that he more valued a victory obtained by counsel than
by force, and in the war against Petreius and Afranius, fortune
presenting him with an occasion of manifest advantage, he declined it,
saying, that he hoped, with a little more time, but less hazard, to
overthrow his enemies. He there also played a notable part in commanding
his whole army to pass the river by swimming, without any manner of
necessity:
“Rapuitque ruens in praelia miles,
Quod fugiens timuisset, iter; mox uda receptis
Membra fovent armis, gelidosque a gurgite, cursu
Restituunt artus.”
[“The soldier rushing through a way to fight which he would have
been afraid to have taken in flight: then with their armour they
cover wet limbs, and by running restore warmth to their numbed
joints.”--Lucan, iv. 151.]
I find him a little more temperate and considerate in his enterprises
than Alexander, for this man seems to seek and run headlong upon dangers
like an impetuous torrent which attacks and rushes against everything it
meets, without choice or discretion;
“Sic tauriformis volvitur Aufidus;
Qui regna Dauni perfluit Appuli,
Dum saevit, horrendamque cultis
Diluviem meditatur agris;”
[“So the biforked Aufidus, which flows through the realm of the
Apulian Daunus, when raging, threatens a fearful deluge to the
tilled ground.”--Horat., Od., iv. 14, 25.]
and, indeed, he was a general in the flower and first heat of his youth,
whereas Caesar took up the trade at a ripe and well advanced age; to
which may be added that Alexander was of a more sanguine, hot, and
choleric constitution, which he also inflamed with wine, from which
Caesar was very abstinent.
But where necessary occasion required, never did any man venture his
person more than he: so much so, that for my part, methinks I read in
many of his exploits a determinate resolution to throw himself away to
avoid the shame of being overcome. In his great battle with those of
Tournay, he charged up to the head of the enemies without his shield,
just as he was seeing the van of his own army beginning to give ground’;
which also several other times befell him. Hearing that his people were
besieged, he passed through the enemy’s army in disguise to go and
encourage them with his presence. Having crossed over to Dyrrachium with
very slender forces, and seeing the remainder of his army which he had
left to Antony’s conduct slow in following him, he undertook alone to
repass the sea in a very great storms and privately stole away to fetch
the rest of his forces, the ports on the other side being seized by
Pompey, and the whole sea being in his possession. And as to what he
performed by force of hand, there are many exploits that in hazard exceed
all the rules of war; for with how small means did he undertake to subdue
the kingdom of Egypt, and afterwards to attack the forces of Scipio and
Juba, ten times greater than his own? These people had, I know not what,
more than human confidence in their fortune; and he was wont to say that
men must embark, and not deliberate, upon high enterprises. After the
battle of Pharsalia, when he had sent his army away before him into Asia,
and was passing in one single vessel the strait of the Hellespont, he met
Lucius Cassius at sea with ten tall men-of-war, when he had the courage
not only to stay his coming, but to sail up to him and summon him to
yield, which he did.
Having undertaken that furious siege of Alexia, where there were
fourscore thousand men in garrison, all Gaul being in arms to raise the
siege and having set an army on foot of a hundred and nine thousand
horse, and of two hundred and forty thousand foot, what a boldness and
vehement confidence was it in him that he would not give over his
attempt, but resolved upon two so great difficulties--which nevertheless
he overcame; and, after having won that great battle against those
without, soon reduced those within to his mercy. The same happened to
Lucullus at the siege of Tigranocerta against King Tigranes, but the
condition of the enemy was not the same, considering the effeminacy of
those with whom Lucullus had to deal. I will here set down two rare and
extraordinary events concerning this siege of Alexia; one, that the Gauls
having drawn their powers together to encounter Caesar, after they had
made a general muster of all their forces, resolved in their council of
war to dismiss a good part of this great multitude, that they might not
fall into confusion. This example of fearing to be too many is new; but,
to take it right, it stands to reason that the body of an army should be
of a moderate greatness, and regulated to certain bounds, both out of
respect to the difficulty of providing for them, and the difficulty of
governing and keeping them in order. At least it is very easy to make it
appear by example that armies monstrous in number have seldom done
anything to purpose. According to the saying of Cyrus in Xenophon,
“‘Tis not the number of men, but the number of good men, that gives the
advantage”: the remainder serving rather to trouble than assist. And
Bajazet principally grounded his resolution of giving Tamerlane battle,
contrary to the opinion of all his captains, upon this, that his enemies
numberless number of men gave him assured hopes of confusion.
Scanderbeg, a very good and expert judge in such matters, was wont to say
that ten or twelve thousand reliable fighting men were sufficient to a
good leader to secure his regulation in all sorts of military occasions.
The other thing I will here record, which seems to be contrary both to
the custom and rules of war, is, that Vercingetorix, who was made general
of all the parts of the revolted Gaul, should go shut up himself in
Alexia: for he who has the command of a whole country ought never to shut
himself up but in case of such last extremity that the only place he has
left is in concern, and that the only hope he has left is in the defence
of that city; otherwise he ought to keep himself always at liberty, that
he may have the means to provide, in general, for all parts of his
government.
To return to Caesar. He grew, in time, more slow and more considerate,
as his friend Oppius witnesses: conceiving that he ought not lightly to
hazard the glory of so many victories, which one blow of fortune might
deprive him of. ‘Tis what the Italians say, when they would reproach the
rashness and foolhardiness of young people, calling them Bisognosi
d’onore, “necessitous of honour,” and that being in so great a want and
dearth of reputation, they have reason to seek it at what price soever,
which they ought not to do who have acquired enough already. There may
reasonably be some moderation, some satiety, in this thirst and appetite
of glory, as well as in other things: and there are enough people who
practise it.
Olet lukenut 1 tekstiä osoitteesta Englanti kirjallisuutta.
Seuraava - Essays of Michel de Montaigne - 071
- Osat
- Essays of Michel de Montaigne - 001Jokainen rivi edustaa sanojen prosenttiosuutta 1000 yleisintä sanaa kohti.Sanojen kokonaismäärä on 4708Yksilöllisten sanojen kokonaismäärä on 159844.2 sanoista on 2000 yleisimmän sanan joukossa62.4 sanoista on 5 000 yleisimmän sanan joukossa72.8 sanoista on 8 000 yleisimmän sanan joukossa
- Essays of Michel de Montaigne - 002Jokainen rivi edustaa sanojen prosenttiosuutta 1000 yleisintä sanaa kohti.Sanojen kokonaismäärä on 5059Yksilöllisten sanojen kokonaismäärä on 142451.2 sanoista on 2000 yleisimmän sanan joukossa72.2 sanoista on 5 000 yleisimmän sanan joukossa79.8 sanoista on 8 000 yleisimmän sanan joukossa
- Essays of Michel de Montaigne - 003Jokainen rivi edustaa sanojen prosenttiosuutta 1000 yleisintä sanaa kohti.Sanojen kokonaismäärä on 5128Yksilöllisten sanojen kokonaismäärä on 141153.6 sanoista on 2000 yleisimmän sanan joukossa73.3 sanoista on 5 000 yleisimmän sanan joukossa81.2 sanoista on 8 000 yleisimmän sanan joukossa
- Essays of Michel de Montaigne - 004Jokainen rivi edustaa sanojen prosenttiosuutta 1000 yleisintä sanaa kohti.Sanojen kokonaismäärä on 5029Yksilöllisten sanojen kokonaismäärä on 138449.8 sanoista on 2000 yleisimmän sanan joukossa70.7 sanoista on 5 000 yleisimmän sanan joukossa79.1 sanoista on 8 000 yleisimmän sanan joukossa
- Essays of Michel de Montaigne - 005Jokainen rivi edustaa sanojen prosenttiosuutta 1000 yleisintä sanaa kohti.Sanojen kokonaismäärä on 4749Yksilöllisten sanojen kokonaismäärä on 157345.4 sanoista on 2000 yleisimmän sanan joukossa63.6 sanoista on 5 000 yleisimmän sanan joukossa71.8 sanoista on 8 000 yleisimmän sanan joukossa
- Essays of Michel de Montaigne - 006Jokainen rivi edustaa sanojen prosenttiosuutta 1000 yleisintä sanaa kohti.Sanojen kokonaismäärä on 4879Yksilöllisten sanojen kokonaismäärä on 161043.7 sanoista on 2000 yleisimmän sanan joukossa61.1 sanoista on 5 000 yleisimmän sanan joukossa68.1 sanoista on 8 000 yleisimmän sanan joukossa
- Essays of Michel de Montaigne - 007Jokainen rivi edustaa sanojen prosenttiosuutta 1000 yleisintä sanaa kohti.Sanojen kokonaismäärä on 4965Yksilöllisten sanojen kokonaismäärä on 148846.5 sanoista on 2000 yleisimmän sanan joukossa65.1 sanoista on 5 000 yleisimmän sanan joukossa71.9 sanoista on 8 000 yleisimmän sanan joukossa
- Essays of Michel de Montaigne - 008Jokainen rivi edustaa sanojen prosenttiosuutta 1000 yleisintä sanaa kohti.Sanojen kokonaismäärä on 4760Yksilöllisten sanojen kokonaismäärä on 153043.0 sanoista on 2000 yleisimmän sanan joukossa60.7 sanoista on 5 000 yleisimmän sanan joukossa68.5 sanoista on 8 000 yleisimmän sanan joukossa
- Essays of Michel de Montaigne - 009Jokainen rivi edustaa sanojen prosenttiosuutta 1000 yleisintä sanaa kohti.Sanojen kokonaismäärä on 4876Yksilöllisten sanojen kokonaismäärä on 157342.9 sanoista on 2000 yleisimmän sanan joukossa61.6 sanoista on 5 000 yleisimmän sanan joukossa70.1 sanoista on 8 000 yleisimmän sanan joukossa
- Essays of Michel de Montaigne - 010Jokainen rivi edustaa sanojen prosenttiosuutta 1000 yleisintä sanaa kohti.Sanojen kokonaismäärä on 4837Yksilöllisten sanojen kokonaismäärä on 154743.5 sanoista on 2000 yleisimmän sanan joukossa58.7 sanoista on 5 000 yleisimmän sanan joukossa66.3 sanoista on 8 000 yleisimmän sanan joukossa
- Essays of Michel de Montaigne - 011Jokainen rivi edustaa sanojen prosenttiosuutta 1000 yleisintä sanaa kohti.Sanojen kokonaismäärä on 4909Yksilöllisten sanojen kokonaismäärä on 148445.2 sanoista on 2000 yleisimmän sanan joukossa61.9 sanoista on 5 000 yleisimmän sanan joukossa69.3 sanoista on 8 000 yleisimmän sanan joukossa
- Essays of Michel de Montaigne - 012Jokainen rivi edustaa sanojen prosenttiosuutta 1000 yleisintä sanaa kohti.Sanojen kokonaismäärä on 4949Yksilöllisten sanojen kokonaismäärä on 155546.4 sanoista on 2000 yleisimmän sanan joukossa64.9 sanoista on 5 000 yleisimmän sanan joukossa74.0 sanoista on 8 000 yleisimmän sanan joukossa
- Essays of Michel de Montaigne - 013Jokainen rivi edustaa sanojen prosenttiosuutta 1000 yleisintä sanaa kohti.Sanojen kokonaismäärä on 4913Yksilöllisten sanojen kokonaismäärä on 149344.5 sanoista on 2000 yleisimmän sanan joukossa66.0 sanoista on 5 000 yleisimmän sanan joukossa74.7 sanoista on 8 000 yleisimmän sanan joukossa
- Essays of Michel de Montaigne - 014Jokainen rivi edustaa sanojen prosenttiosuutta 1000 yleisintä sanaa kohti.Sanojen kokonaismäärä on 4929Yksilöllisten sanojen kokonaismäärä on 147746.3 sanoista on 2000 yleisimmän sanan joukossa65.5 sanoista on 5 000 yleisimmän sanan joukossa74.3 sanoista on 8 000 yleisimmän sanan joukossa
- Essays of Michel de Montaigne - 015Jokainen rivi edustaa sanojen prosenttiosuutta 1000 yleisintä sanaa kohti.Sanojen kokonaismäärä on 4886Yksilöllisten sanojen kokonaismäärä on 146244.0 sanoista on 2000 yleisimmän sanan joukossa62.7 sanoista on 5 000 yleisimmän sanan joukossa71.4 sanoista on 8 000 yleisimmän sanan joukossa
- Essays of Michel de Montaigne - 016Jokainen rivi edustaa sanojen prosenttiosuutta 1000 yleisintä sanaa kohti.Sanojen kokonaismäärä on 4997Yksilöllisten sanojen kokonaismäärä on 140647.2 sanoista on 2000 yleisimmän sanan joukossa66.8 sanoista on 5 000 yleisimmän sanan joukossa75.1 sanoista on 8 000 yleisimmän sanan joukossa
- Essays of Michel de Montaigne - 017Jokainen rivi edustaa sanojen prosenttiosuutta 1000 yleisintä sanaa kohti.Sanojen kokonaismäärä on 4913Yksilöllisten sanojen kokonaismäärä on 151142.8 sanoista on 2000 yleisimmän sanan joukossa60.7 sanoista on 5 000 yleisimmän sanan joukossa68.7 sanoista on 8 000 yleisimmän sanan joukossa
- Essays of Michel de Montaigne - 018Jokainen rivi edustaa sanojen prosenttiosuutta 1000 yleisintä sanaa kohti.Sanojen kokonaismäärä on 4865Yksilöllisten sanojen kokonaismäärä on 158241.3 sanoista on 2000 yleisimmän sanan joukossa58.6 sanoista on 5 000 yleisimmän sanan joukossa67.8 sanoista on 8 000 yleisimmän sanan joukossa
- Essays of Michel de Montaigne - 019Jokainen rivi edustaa sanojen prosenttiosuutta 1000 yleisintä sanaa kohti.Sanojen kokonaismäärä on 4860Yksilöllisten sanojen kokonaismäärä on 152640.5 sanoista on 2000 yleisimmän sanan joukossa57.1 sanoista on 5 000 yleisimmän sanan joukossa65.6 sanoista on 8 000 yleisimmän sanan joukossa
- Essays of Michel de Montaigne - 020Jokainen rivi edustaa sanojen prosenttiosuutta 1000 yleisintä sanaa kohti.Sanojen kokonaismäärä on 4766Yksilöllisten sanojen kokonaismäärä on 145044.9 sanoista on 2000 yleisimmän sanan joukossa64.9 sanoista on 5 000 yleisimmän sanan joukossa74.4 sanoista on 8 000 yleisimmän sanan joukossa
- Essays of Michel de Montaigne - 021Jokainen rivi edustaa sanojen prosenttiosuutta 1000 yleisintä sanaa kohti.Sanojen kokonaismäärä on 4804Yksilöllisten sanojen kokonaismäärä on 147543.2 sanoista on 2000 yleisimmän sanan joukossa60.0 sanoista on 5 000 yleisimmän sanan joukossa68.7 sanoista on 8 000 yleisimmän sanan joukossa
- Essays of Michel de Montaigne - 022Jokainen rivi edustaa sanojen prosenttiosuutta 1000 yleisintä sanaa kohti.Sanojen kokonaismäärä on 4967Yksilöllisten sanojen kokonaismäärä on 153045.9 sanoista on 2000 yleisimmän sanan joukossa64.5 sanoista on 5 000 yleisimmän sanan joukossa73.7 sanoista on 8 000 yleisimmän sanan joukossa
- Essays of Michel de Montaigne - 023Jokainen rivi edustaa sanojen prosenttiosuutta 1000 yleisintä sanaa kohti.Sanojen kokonaismäärä on 5004Yksilöllisten sanojen kokonaismäärä on 152948.3 sanoista on 2000 yleisimmän sanan joukossa68.5 sanoista on 5 000 yleisimmän sanan joukossa76.4 sanoista on 8 000 yleisimmän sanan joukossa
- Essays of Michel de Montaigne - 024Jokainen rivi edustaa sanojen prosenttiosuutta 1000 yleisintä sanaa kohti.Sanojen kokonaismäärä on 4791Yksilöllisten sanojen kokonaismäärä on 161742.4 sanoista on 2000 yleisimmän sanan joukossa60.0 sanoista on 5 000 yleisimmän sanan joukossa68.4 sanoista on 8 000 yleisimmän sanan joukossa
- Essays of Michel de Montaigne - 025Jokainen rivi edustaa sanojen prosenttiosuutta 1000 yleisintä sanaa kohti.Sanojen kokonaismäärä on 4729Yksilöllisten sanojen kokonaismäärä on 145543.1 sanoista on 2000 yleisimmän sanan joukossa62.4 sanoista on 5 000 yleisimmän sanan joukossa69.6 sanoista on 8 000 yleisimmän sanan joukossa
- Essays of Michel de Montaigne - 026Jokainen rivi edustaa sanojen prosenttiosuutta 1000 yleisintä sanaa kohti.Sanojen kokonaismäärä on 4895Yksilöllisten sanojen kokonaismäärä on 151546.8 sanoista on 2000 yleisimmän sanan joukossa66.8 sanoista on 5 000 yleisimmän sanan joukossa75.2 sanoista on 8 000 yleisimmän sanan joukossa
- Essays of Michel de Montaigne - 027Jokainen rivi edustaa sanojen prosenttiosuutta 1000 yleisintä sanaa kohti.Sanojen kokonaismäärä on 4959Yksilöllisten sanojen kokonaismäärä on 155746.6 sanoista on 2000 yleisimmän sanan joukossa64.0 sanoista on 5 000 yleisimmän sanan joukossa72.7 sanoista on 8 000 yleisimmän sanan joukossa
- Essays of Michel de Montaigne - 028Jokainen rivi edustaa sanojen prosenttiosuutta 1000 yleisintä sanaa kohti.Sanojen kokonaismäärä on 4818Yksilöllisten sanojen kokonaismäärä on 158641.3 sanoista on 2000 yleisimmän sanan joukossa58.3 sanoista on 5 000 yleisimmän sanan joukossa66.6 sanoista on 8 000 yleisimmän sanan joukossa
- Essays of Michel de Montaigne - 029Jokainen rivi edustaa sanojen prosenttiosuutta 1000 yleisintä sanaa kohti.Sanojen kokonaismäärä on 4939Yksilöllisten sanojen kokonaismäärä on 155044.9 sanoista on 2000 yleisimmän sanan joukossa61.9 sanoista on 5 000 yleisimmän sanan joukossa70.9 sanoista on 8 000 yleisimmän sanan joukossa
- Essays of Michel de Montaigne - 030Jokainen rivi edustaa sanojen prosenttiosuutta 1000 yleisintä sanaa kohti.Sanojen kokonaismäärä on 4888Yksilöllisten sanojen kokonaismäärä on 155443.8 sanoista on 2000 yleisimmän sanan joukossa62.9 sanoista on 5 000 yleisimmän sanan joukossa71.2 sanoista on 8 000 yleisimmän sanan joukossa
- Essays of Michel de Montaigne - 031Jokainen rivi edustaa sanojen prosenttiosuutta 1000 yleisintä sanaa kohti.Sanojen kokonaismäärä on 4799Yksilöllisten sanojen kokonaismäärä on 155843.1 sanoista on 2000 yleisimmän sanan joukossa58.9 sanoista on 5 000 yleisimmän sanan joukossa66.3 sanoista on 8 000 yleisimmän sanan joukossa
- Essays of Michel de Montaigne - 032Jokainen rivi edustaa sanojen prosenttiosuutta 1000 yleisintä sanaa kohti.Sanojen kokonaismäärä on 4784Yksilöllisten sanojen kokonaismäärä on 166741.5 sanoista on 2000 yleisimmän sanan joukossa57.8 sanoista on 5 000 yleisimmän sanan joukossa66.2 sanoista on 8 000 yleisimmän sanan joukossa
- Essays of Michel de Montaigne - 033Jokainen rivi edustaa sanojen prosenttiosuutta 1000 yleisintä sanaa kohti.Sanojen kokonaismäärä on 4887Yksilöllisten sanojen kokonaismäärä on 153143.0 sanoista on 2000 yleisimmän sanan joukossa62.7 sanoista on 5 000 yleisimmän sanan joukossa72.3 sanoista on 8 000 yleisimmän sanan joukossa
- Essays of Michel de Montaigne - 034Jokainen rivi edustaa sanojen prosenttiosuutta 1000 yleisintä sanaa kohti.Sanojen kokonaismäärä on 4763Yksilöllisten sanojen kokonaismäärä on 149343.5 sanoista on 2000 yleisimmän sanan joukossa62.2 sanoista on 5 000 yleisimmän sanan joukossa69.1 sanoista on 8 000 yleisimmän sanan joukossa
- Essays of Michel de Montaigne - 035Jokainen rivi edustaa sanojen prosenttiosuutta 1000 yleisintä sanaa kohti.Sanojen kokonaismäärä on 4777Yksilöllisten sanojen kokonaismäärä on 164541.8 sanoista on 2000 yleisimmän sanan joukossa59.8 sanoista on 5 000 yleisimmän sanan joukossa68.2 sanoista on 8 000 yleisimmän sanan joukossa
- Essays of Michel de Montaigne - 036Jokainen rivi edustaa sanojen prosenttiosuutta 1000 yleisintä sanaa kohti.Sanojen kokonaismäärä on 4812Yksilöllisten sanojen kokonaismäärä on 156642.7 sanoista on 2000 yleisimmän sanan joukossa59.7 sanoista on 5 000 yleisimmän sanan joukossa67.1 sanoista on 8 000 yleisimmän sanan joukossa
- Essays of Michel de Montaigne - 037Jokainen rivi edustaa sanojen prosenttiosuutta 1000 yleisintä sanaa kohti.Sanojen kokonaismäärä on 4976Yksilöllisten sanojen kokonaismäärä on 146249.9 sanoista on 2000 yleisimmän sanan joukossa69.5 sanoista on 5 000 yleisimmän sanan joukossa77.3 sanoista on 8 000 yleisimmän sanan joukossa
- Essays of Michel de Montaigne - 038Jokainen rivi edustaa sanojen prosenttiosuutta 1000 yleisintä sanaa kohti.Sanojen kokonaismäärä on 4949Yksilöllisten sanojen kokonaismäärä on 144146.5 sanoista on 2000 yleisimmän sanan joukossa66.2 sanoista on 5 000 yleisimmän sanan joukossa74.5 sanoista on 8 000 yleisimmän sanan joukossa
- Essays of Michel de Montaigne - 039Jokainen rivi edustaa sanojen prosenttiosuutta 1000 yleisintä sanaa kohti.Sanojen kokonaismäärä on 5086Yksilöllisten sanojen kokonaismäärä on 141551.0 sanoista on 2000 yleisimmän sanan joukossa69.3 sanoista on 5 000 yleisimmän sanan joukossa77.9 sanoista on 8 000 yleisimmän sanan joukossa
- Essays of Michel de Montaigne - 040Jokainen rivi edustaa sanojen prosenttiosuutta 1000 yleisintä sanaa kohti.Sanojen kokonaismäärä on 5052Yksilöllisten sanojen kokonaismäärä on 141248.6 sanoista on 2000 yleisimmän sanan joukossa67.2 sanoista on 5 000 yleisimmän sanan joukossa74.7 sanoista on 8 000 yleisimmän sanan joukossa
- Essays of Michel de Montaigne - 041Jokainen rivi edustaa sanojen prosenttiosuutta 1000 yleisintä sanaa kohti.Sanojen kokonaismäärä on 4988Yksilöllisten sanojen kokonaismäärä on 142545.4 sanoista on 2000 yleisimmän sanan joukossa65.1 sanoista on 5 000 yleisimmän sanan joukossa74.4 sanoista on 8 000 yleisimmän sanan joukossa
- Essays of Michel de Montaigne - 042Jokainen rivi edustaa sanojen prosenttiosuutta 1000 yleisintä sanaa kohti.Sanojen kokonaismäärä on 4890Yksilöllisten sanojen kokonaismäärä on 142745.6 sanoista on 2000 yleisimmän sanan joukossa65.3 sanoista on 5 000 yleisimmän sanan joukossa73.3 sanoista on 8 000 yleisimmän sanan joukossa
- Essays of Michel de Montaigne - 043Jokainen rivi edustaa sanojen prosenttiosuutta 1000 yleisintä sanaa kohti.Sanojen kokonaismäärä on 4805Yksilöllisten sanojen kokonaismäärä on 153242.5 sanoista on 2000 yleisimmän sanan joukossa61.1 sanoista on 5 000 yleisimmän sanan joukossa70.0 sanoista on 8 000 yleisimmän sanan joukossa
- Essays of Michel de Montaigne - 044Jokainen rivi edustaa sanojen prosenttiosuutta 1000 yleisintä sanaa kohti.Sanojen kokonaismäärä on 4969Yksilöllisten sanojen kokonaismäärä on 141643.7 sanoista on 2000 yleisimmän sanan joukossa62.2 sanoista on 5 000 yleisimmän sanan joukossa72.7 sanoista on 8 000 yleisimmän sanan joukossa
- Essays of Michel de Montaigne - 045Jokainen rivi edustaa sanojen prosenttiosuutta 1000 yleisintä sanaa kohti.Sanojen kokonaismäärä on 4977Yksilöllisten sanojen kokonaismäärä on 147845.3 sanoista on 2000 yleisimmän sanan joukossa65.1 sanoista on 5 000 yleisimmän sanan joukossa74.3 sanoista on 8 000 yleisimmän sanan joukossa
- Essays of Michel de Montaigne - 046Jokainen rivi edustaa sanojen prosenttiosuutta 1000 yleisintä sanaa kohti.Sanojen kokonaismäärä on 4918Yksilöllisten sanojen kokonaismäärä on 166839.3 sanoista on 2000 yleisimmän sanan joukossa57.9 sanoista on 5 000 yleisimmän sanan joukossa65.9 sanoista on 8 000 yleisimmän sanan joukossa
- Essays of Michel de Montaigne - 047Jokainen rivi edustaa sanojen prosenttiosuutta 1000 yleisintä sanaa kohti.Sanojen kokonaismäärä on 4959Yksilöllisten sanojen kokonaismäärä on 160942.9 sanoista on 2000 yleisimmän sanan joukossa61.2 sanoista on 5 000 yleisimmän sanan joukossa71.1 sanoista on 8 000 yleisimmän sanan joukossa
- Essays of Michel de Montaigne - 048Jokainen rivi edustaa sanojen prosenttiosuutta 1000 yleisintä sanaa kohti.Sanojen kokonaismäärä on 4840Yksilöllisten sanojen kokonaismäärä on 163539.5 sanoista on 2000 yleisimmän sanan joukossa55.4 sanoista on 5 000 yleisimmän sanan joukossa63.4 sanoista on 8 000 yleisimmän sanan joukossa
- Essays of Michel de Montaigne - 049Jokainen rivi edustaa sanojen prosenttiosuutta 1000 yleisintä sanaa kohti.Sanojen kokonaismäärä on 4930Yksilöllisten sanojen kokonaismäärä on 143640.5 sanoista on 2000 yleisimmän sanan joukossa58.8 sanoista on 5 000 yleisimmän sanan joukossa66.1 sanoista on 8 000 yleisimmän sanan joukossa
- Essays of Michel de Montaigne - 050Jokainen rivi edustaa sanojen prosenttiosuutta 1000 yleisintä sanaa kohti.Sanojen kokonaismäärä on 4742Yksilöllisten sanojen kokonaismäärä on 153038.8 sanoista on 2000 yleisimmän sanan joukossa56.7 sanoista on 5 000 yleisimmän sanan joukossa65.3 sanoista on 8 000 yleisimmän sanan joukossa
- Essays of Michel de Montaigne - 051Jokainen rivi edustaa sanojen prosenttiosuutta 1000 yleisintä sanaa kohti.Sanojen kokonaismäärä on 4932Yksilöllisten sanojen kokonaismäärä on 151539.8 sanoista on 2000 yleisimmän sanan joukossa55.9 sanoista on 5 000 yleisimmän sanan joukossa63.9 sanoista on 8 000 yleisimmän sanan joukossa
- Essays of Michel de Montaigne - 052Jokainen rivi edustaa sanojen prosenttiosuutta 1000 yleisintä sanaa kohti.Sanojen kokonaismäärä on 4878Yksilöllisten sanojen kokonaismäärä on 157839.0 sanoista on 2000 yleisimmän sanan joukossa56.6 sanoista on 5 000 yleisimmän sanan joukossa63.3 sanoista on 8 000 yleisimmän sanan joukossa
- Essays of Michel de Montaigne - 053Jokainen rivi edustaa sanojen prosenttiosuutta 1000 yleisintä sanaa kohti.Sanojen kokonaismäärä on 4811Yksilöllisten sanojen kokonaismäärä on 152337.8 sanoista on 2000 yleisimmän sanan joukossa55.7 sanoista on 5 000 yleisimmän sanan joukossa63.3 sanoista on 8 000 yleisimmän sanan joukossa
- Essays of Michel de Montaigne - 054Jokainen rivi edustaa sanojen prosenttiosuutta 1000 yleisintä sanaa kohti.Sanojen kokonaismäärä on 4864Yksilöllisten sanojen kokonaismäärä on 153440.6 sanoista on 2000 yleisimmän sanan joukossa58.6 sanoista on 5 000 yleisimmän sanan joukossa67.3 sanoista on 8 000 yleisimmän sanan joukossa
- Essays of Michel de Montaigne - 055Jokainen rivi edustaa sanojen prosenttiosuutta 1000 yleisintä sanaa kohti.Sanojen kokonaismäärä on 5000Yksilöllisten sanojen kokonaismäärä on 141944.1 sanoista on 2000 yleisimmän sanan joukossa63.8 sanoista on 5 000 yleisimmän sanan joukossa71.3 sanoista on 8 000 yleisimmän sanan joukossa
- Essays of Michel de Montaigne - 056Jokainen rivi edustaa sanojen prosenttiosuutta 1000 yleisintä sanaa kohti.Sanojen kokonaismäärä on 4864Yksilöllisten sanojen kokonaismäärä on 159241.4 sanoista on 2000 yleisimmän sanan joukossa58.8 sanoista on 5 000 yleisimmän sanan joukossa67.4 sanoista on 8 000 yleisimmän sanan joukossa
- Essays of Michel de Montaigne - 057Jokainen rivi edustaa sanojen prosenttiosuutta 1000 yleisintä sanaa kohti.Sanojen kokonaismäärä on 4881Yksilöllisten sanojen kokonaismäärä on 151840.8 sanoista on 2000 yleisimmän sanan joukossa58.4 sanoista on 5 000 yleisimmän sanan joukossa66.0 sanoista on 8 000 yleisimmän sanan joukossa
- Essays of Michel de Montaigne - 058Jokainen rivi edustaa sanojen prosenttiosuutta 1000 yleisintä sanaa kohti.Sanojen kokonaismäärä on 4940Yksilöllisten sanojen kokonaismäärä on 147243.2 sanoista on 2000 yleisimmän sanan joukossa59.4 sanoista on 5 000 yleisimmän sanan joukossa66.9 sanoista on 8 000 yleisimmän sanan joukossa
- Essays of Michel de Montaigne - 059Jokainen rivi edustaa sanojen prosenttiosuutta 1000 yleisintä sanaa kohti.Sanojen kokonaismäärä on 4669Yksilöllisten sanojen kokonaismäärä on 155741.0 sanoista on 2000 yleisimmän sanan joukossa58.5 sanoista on 5 000 yleisimmän sanan joukossa66.2 sanoista on 8 000 yleisimmän sanan joukossa
- Essays of Michel de Montaigne - 060Jokainen rivi edustaa sanojen prosenttiosuutta 1000 yleisintä sanaa kohti.Sanojen kokonaismäärä on 4782Yksilöllisten sanojen kokonaismäärä on 150542.4 sanoista on 2000 yleisimmän sanan joukossa59.5 sanoista on 5 000 yleisimmän sanan joukossa66.7 sanoista on 8 000 yleisimmän sanan joukossa
- Essays of Michel de Montaigne - 061Jokainen rivi edustaa sanojen prosenttiosuutta 1000 yleisintä sanaa kohti.Sanojen kokonaismäärä on 4884Yksilöllisten sanojen kokonaismäärä on 146542.6 sanoista on 2000 yleisimmän sanan joukossa60.3 sanoista on 5 000 yleisimmän sanan joukossa69.0 sanoista on 8 000 yleisimmän sanan joukossa
- Essays of Michel de Montaigne - 062Jokainen rivi edustaa sanojen prosenttiosuutta 1000 yleisintä sanaa kohti.Sanojen kokonaismäärä on 4856Yksilöllisten sanojen kokonaismäärä on 155544.1 sanoista on 2000 yleisimmän sanan joukossa61.4 sanoista on 5 000 yleisimmän sanan joukossa69.8 sanoista on 8 000 yleisimmän sanan joukossa
- Essays of Michel de Montaigne - 063Jokainen rivi edustaa sanojen prosenttiosuutta 1000 yleisintä sanaa kohti.Sanojen kokonaismäärä on 5006Yksilöllisten sanojen kokonaismäärä on 146246.8 sanoista on 2000 yleisimmän sanan joukossa64.5 sanoista on 5 000 yleisimmän sanan joukossa72.3 sanoista on 8 000 yleisimmän sanan joukossa
- Essays of Michel de Montaigne - 064Jokainen rivi edustaa sanojen prosenttiosuutta 1000 yleisintä sanaa kohti.Sanojen kokonaismäärä on 4849Yksilöllisten sanojen kokonaismäärä on 149143.7 sanoista on 2000 yleisimmän sanan joukossa63.2 sanoista on 5 000 yleisimmän sanan joukossa72.7 sanoista on 8 000 yleisimmän sanan joukossa
- Essays of Michel de Montaigne - 065Jokainen rivi edustaa sanojen prosenttiosuutta 1000 yleisintä sanaa kohti.Sanojen kokonaismäärä on 4893Yksilöllisten sanojen kokonaismäärä on 151146.8 sanoista on 2000 yleisimmän sanan joukossa65.8 sanoista on 5 000 yleisimmän sanan joukossa73.6 sanoista on 8 000 yleisimmän sanan joukossa
- Essays of Michel de Montaigne - 066Jokainen rivi edustaa sanojen prosenttiosuutta 1000 yleisintä sanaa kohti.Sanojen kokonaismäärä on 4875Yksilöllisten sanojen kokonaismäärä on 153343.3 sanoista on 2000 yleisimmän sanan joukossa61.5 sanoista on 5 000 yleisimmän sanan joukossa69.6 sanoista on 8 000 yleisimmän sanan joukossa
- Essays of Michel de Montaigne - 067Jokainen rivi edustaa sanojen prosenttiosuutta 1000 yleisintä sanaa kohti.Sanojen kokonaismäärä on 4837Yksilöllisten sanojen kokonaismäärä on 156644.6 sanoista on 2000 yleisimmän sanan joukossa63.4 sanoista on 5 000 yleisimmän sanan joukossa72.1 sanoista on 8 000 yleisimmän sanan joukossa
- Essays of Michel de Montaigne - 068Jokainen rivi edustaa sanojen prosenttiosuutta 1000 yleisintä sanaa kohti.Sanojen kokonaismäärä on 4970Yksilöllisten sanojen kokonaismäärä on 152046.6 sanoista on 2000 yleisimmän sanan joukossa64.9 sanoista on 5 000 yleisimmän sanan joukossa72.7 sanoista on 8 000 yleisimmän sanan joukossa
- Essays of Michel de Montaigne - 069Jokainen rivi edustaa sanojen prosenttiosuutta 1000 yleisintä sanaa kohti.Sanojen kokonaismäärä on 4964Yksilöllisten sanojen kokonaismäärä on 144646.1 sanoista on 2000 yleisimmän sanan joukossa65.3 sanoista on 5 000 yleisimmän sanan joukossa74.8 sanoista on 8 000 yleisimmän sanan joukossa
- Essays of Michel de Montaigne - 070Jokainen rivi edustaa sanojen prosenttiosuutta 1000 yleisintä sanaa kohti.Sanojen kokonaismäärä on 4908Yksilöllisten sanojen kokonaismäärä on 146945.9 sanoista on 2000 yleisimmän sanan joukossa64.2 sanoista on 5 000 yleisimmän sanan joukossa71.5 sanoista on 8 000 yleisimmän sanan joukossa
- Essays of Michel de Montaigne - 071Jokainen rivi edustaa sanojen prosenttiosuutta 1000 yleisintä sanaa kohti.Sanojen kokonaismäärä on 4980Yksilöllisten sanojen kokonaismäärä on 141251.3 sanoista on 2000 yleisimmän sanan joukossa68.1 sanoista on 5 000 yleisimmän sanan joukossa76.1 sanoista on 8 000 yleisimmän sanan joukossa
- Essays of Michel de Montaigne - 072Jokainen rivi edustaa sanojen prosenttiosuutta 1000 yleisintä sanaa kohti.Sanojen kokonaismäärä on 4907Yksilöllisten sanojen kokonaismäärä on 144945.7 sanoista on 2000 yleisimmän sanan joukossa65.0 sanoista on 5 000 yleisimmän sanan joukossa73.6 sanoista on 8 000 yleisimmän sanan joukossa
- Essays of Michel de Montaigne - 073Jokainen rivi edustaa sanojen prosenttiosuutta 1000 yleisintä sanaa kohti.Sanojen kokonaismäärä on 4977Yksilöllisten sanojen kokonaismäärä on 140946.9 sanoista on 2000 yleisimmän sanan joukossa65.9 sanoista on 5 000 yleisimmän sanan joukossa72.9 sanoista on 8 000 yleisimmän sanan joukossa
- Essays of Michel de Montaigne - 074Jokainen rivi edustaa sanojen prosenttiosuutta 1000 yleisintä sanaa kohti.Sanojen kokonaismäärä on 5152Yksilöllisten sanojen kokonaismäärä on 139948.8 sanoista on 2000 yleisimmän sanan joukossa67.1 sanoista on 5 000 yleisimmän sanan joukossa76.6 sanoista on 8 000 yleisimmän sanan joukossa
- Essays of Michel de Montaigne - 075Jokainen rivi edustaa sanojen prosenttiosuutta 1000 yleisintä sanaa kohti.Sanojen kokonaismäärä on 4857Yksilöllisten sanojen kokonaismäärä on 143845.4 sanoista on 2000 yleisimmän sanan joukossa65.7 sanoista on 5 000 yleisimmän sanan joukossa73.9 sanoista on 8 000 yleisimmän sanan joukossa
- Essays of Michel de Montaigne - 076Jokainen rivi edustaa sanojen prosenttiosuutta 1000 yleisintä sanaa kohti.Sanojen kokonaismäärä on 4965Yksilöllisten sanojen kokonaismäärä on 145445.5 sanoista on 2000 yleisimmän sanan joukossa64.5 sanoista on 5 000 yleisimmän sanan joukossa73.0 sanoista on 8 000 yleisimmän sanan joukossa
- Essays of Michel de Montaigne - 077Jokainen rivi edustaa sanojen prosenttiosuutta 1000 yleisintä sanaa kohti.Sanojen kokonaismäärä on 5078Yksilöllisten sanojen kokonaismäärä on 142345.8 sanoista on 2000 yleisimmän sanan joukossa64.6 sanoista on 5 000 yleisimmän sanan joukossa74.9 sanoista on 8 000 yleisimmän sanan joukossa
- Essays of Michel de Montaigne - 078Jokainen rivi edustaa sanojen prosenttiosuutta 1000 yleisintä sanaa kohti.Sanojen kokonaismäärä on 4990Yksilöllisten sanojen kokonaismäärä on 145845.1 sanoista on 2000 yleisimmän sanan joukossa66.3 sanoista on 5 000 yleisimmän sanan joukossa74.3 sanoista on 8 000 yleisimmän sanan joukossa
- Essays of Michel de Montaigne - 079Jokainen rivi edustaa sanojen prosenttiosuutta 1000 yleisintä sanaa kohti.Sanojen kokonaismäärä on 4812Yksilöllisten sanojen kokonaismäärä on 156446.0 sanoista on 2000 yleisimmän sanan joukossa64.8 sanoista on 5 000 yleisimmän sanan joukossa73.1 sanoista on 8 000 yleisimmän sanan joukossa
- Essays of Michel de Montaigne - 080Jokainen rivi edustaa sanojen prosenttiosuutta 1000 yleisintä sanaa kohti.Sanojen kokonaismäärä on 4787Yksilöllisten sanojen kokonaismäärä on 162140.7 sanoista on 2000 yleisimmän sanan joukossa57.0 sanoista on 5 000 yleisimmän sanan joukossa66.1 sanoista on 8 000 yleisimmän sanan joukossa
- Essays of Michel de Montaigne - 081Jokainen rivi edustaa sanojen prosenttiosuutta 1000 yleisintä sanaa kohti.Sanojen kokonaismäärä on 4763Yksilöllisten sanojen kokonaismäärä on 161542.0 sanoista on 2000 yleisimmän sanan joukossa57.7 sanoista on 5 000 yleisimmän sanan joukossa66.1 sanoista on 8 000 yleisimmän sanan joukossa
- Essays of Michel de Montaigne - 082Jokainen rivi edustaa sanojen prosenttiosuutta 1000 yleisintä sanaa kohti.Sanojen kokonaismäärä on 4779Yksilöllisten sanojen kokonaismäärä on 154844.2 sanoista on 2000 yleisimmän sanan joukossa60.7 sanoista on 5 000 yleisimmän sanan joukossa67.6 sanoista on 8 000 yleisimmän sanan joukossa
- Essays of Michel de Montaigne - 083Jokainen rivi edustaa sanojen prosenttiosuutta 1000 yleisintä sanaa kohti.Sanojen kokonaismäärä on 4866Yksilöllisten sanojen kokonaismäärä on 155542.7 sanoista on 2000 yleisimmän sanan joukossa63.3 sanoista on 5 000 yleisimmän sanan joukossa72.1 sanoista on 8 000 yleisimmän sanan joukossa
- Essays of Michel de Montaigne - 084Jokainen rivi edustaa sanojen prosenttiosuutta 1000 yleisintä sanaa kohti.Sanojen kokonaismäärä on 4776Yksilöllisten sanojen kokonaismäärä on 155742.7 sanoista on 2000 yleisimmän sanan joukossa61.2 sanoista on 5 000 yleisimmän sanan joukossa70.6 sanoista on 8 000 yleisimmän sanan joukossa
- Essays of Michel de Montaigne - 085Jokainen rivi edustaa sanojen prosenttiosuutta 1000 yleisintä sanaa kohti.Sanojen kokonaismäärä on 4785Yksilöllisten sanojen kokonaismäärä on 157145.4 sanoista on 2000 yleisimmän sanan joukossa63.4 sanoista on 5 000 yleisimmän sanan joukossa71.4 sanoista on 8 000 yleisimmän sanan joukossa
- Essays of Michel de Montaigne - 086Jokainen rivi edustaa sanojen prosenttiosuutta 1000 yleisintä sanaa kohti.Sanojen kokonaismäärä on 4747Yksilöllisten sanojen kokonaismäärä on 156741.5 sanoista on 2000 yleisimmän sanan joukossa62.4 sanoista on 5 000 yleisimmän sanan joukossa70.3 sanoista on 8 000 yleisimmän sanan joukossa
- Essays of Michel de Montaigne - 087Jokainen rivi edustaa sanojen prosenttiosuutta 1000 yleisintä sanaa kohti.Sanojen kokonaismäärä on 5022Yksilöllisten sanojen kokonaismäärä on 145547.6 sanoista on 2000 yleisimmän sanan joukossa66.5 sanoista on 5 000 yleisimmän sanan joukossa75.1 sanoista on 8 000 yleisimmän sanan joukossa
- Essays of Michel de Montaigne - 088Jokainen rivi edustaa sanojen prosenttiosuutta 1000 yleisintä sanaa kohti.Sanojen kokonaismäärä on 4935Yksilöllisten sanojen kokonaismäärä on 142746.6 sanoista on 2000 yleisimmän sanan joukossa64.3 sanoista on 5 000 yleisimmän sanan joukossa72.9 sanoista on 8 000 yleisimmän sanan joukossa
- Essays of Michel de Montaigne - 089Jokainen rivi edustaa sanojen prosenttiosuutta 1000 yleisintä sanaa kohti.Sanojen kokonaismäärä on 4966Yksilöllisten sanojen kokonaismäärä on 139148.2 sanoista on 2000 yleisimmän sanan joukossa65.8 sanoista on 5 000 yleisimmän sanan joukossa74.4 sanoista on 8 000 yleisimmän sanan joukossa
- Essays of Michel de Montaigne - 090Jokainen rivi edustaa sanojen prosenttiosuutta 1000 yleisintä sanaa kohti.Sanojen kokonaismäärä on 4888Yksilöllisten sanojen kokonaismäärä on 149743.6 sanoista on 2000 yleisimmän sanan joukossa61.2 sanoista on 5 000 yleisimmän sanan joukossa69.8 sanoista on 8 000 yleisimmän sanan joukossa
- Essays of Michel de Montaigne - 091Jokainen rivi edustaa sanojen prosenttiosuutta 1000 yleisintä sanaa kohti.Sanojen kokonaismäärä on 4903Yksilöllisten sanojen kokonaismäärä on 145544.8 sanoista on 2000 yleisimmän sanan joukossa64.3 sanoista on 5 000 yleisimmän sanan joukossa71.8 sanoista on 8 000 yleisimmän sanan joukossa
- Essays of Michel de Montaigne - 092Jokainen rivi edustaa sanojen prosenttiosuutta 1000 yleisintä sanaa kohti.Sanojen kokonaismäärä on 5068Yksilöllisten sanojen kokonaismäärä on 150346.8 sanoista on 2000 yleisimmän sanan joukossa66.3 sanoista on 5 000 yleisimmän sanan joukossa74.2 sanoista on 8 000 yleisimmän sanan joukossa
- Essays of Michel de Montaigne - 093Jokainen rivi edustaa sanojen prosenttiosuutta 1000 yleisintä sanaa kohti.Sanojen kokonaismäärä on 4993Yksilöllisten sanojen kokonaismäärä on 145847.9 sanoista on 2000 yleisimmän sanan joukossa64.8 sanoista on 5 000 yleisimmän sanan joukossa72.8 sanoista on 8 000 yleisimmän sanan joukossa
- Essays of Michel de Montaigne - 094Jokainen rivi edustaa sanojen prosenttiosuutta 1000 yleisintä sanaa kohti.Sanojen kokonaismäärä on 4866Yksilöllisten sanojen kokonaismäärä on 147544.5 sanoista on 2000 yleisimmän sanan joukossa63.4 sanoista on 5 000 yleisimmän sanan joukossa71.3 sanoista on 8 000 yleisimmän sanan joukossa
- Essays of Michel de Montaigne - 095Jokainen rivi edustaa sanojen prosenttiosuutta 1000 yleisintä sanaa kohti.Sanojen kokonaismäärä on 4816Yksilöllisten sanojen kokonaismäärä on 144045.0 sanoista on 2000 yleisimmän sanan joukossa64.7 sanoista on 5 000 yleisimmän sanan joukossa73.1 sanoista on 8 000 yleisimmän sanan joukossa
- Essays of Michel de Montaigne - 096Jokainen rivi edustaa sanojen prosenttiosuutta 1000 yleisintä sanaa kohti.Sanojen kokonaismäärä on 4894Yksilöllisten sanojen kokonaismäärä on 154343.7 sanoista on 2000 yleisimmän sanan joukossa61.4 sanoista on 5 000 yleisimmän sanan joukossa70.5 sanoista on 8 000 yleisimmän sanan joukossa
- Essays of Michel de Montaigne - 097Jokainen rivi edustaa sanojen prosenttiosuutta 1000 yleisintä sanaa kohti.Sanojen kokonaismäärä on 4901Yksilöllisten sanojen kokonaismäärä on 146346.2 sanoista on 2000 yleisimmän sanan joukossa63.9 sanoista on 5 000 yleisimmän sanan joukossa71.8 sanoista on 8 000 yleisimmän sanan joukossa
- Essays of Michel de Montaigne - 098Jokainen rivi edustaa sanojen prosenttiosuutta 1000 yleisintä sanaa kohti.Sanojen kokonaismäärä on 4772Yksilöllisten sanojen kokonaismäärä on 161040.9 sanoista on 2000 yleisimmän sanan joukossa58.0 sanoista on 5 000 yleisimmän sanan joukossa65.9 sanoista on 8 000 yleisimmän sanan joukossa
- Essays of Michel de Montaigne - 099Jokainen rivi edustaa sanojen prosenttiosuutta 1000 yleisintä sanaa kohti.Sanojen kokonaismäärä on 4909Yksilöllisten sanojen kokonaismäärä on 145147.5 sanoista on 2000 yleisimmän sanan joukossa65.9 sanoista on 5 000 yleisimmän sanan joukossa73.3 sanoista on 8 000 yleisimmän sanan joukossa
- Essays of Michel de Montaigne - 100Jokainen rivi edustaa sanojen prosenttiosuutta 1000 yleisintä sanaa kohti.Sanojen kokonaismäärä on 4899Yksilöllisten sanojen kokonaismäärä on 148047.3 sanoista on 2000 yleisimmän sanan joukossa67.5 sanoista on 5 000 yleisimmän sanan joukossa76.3 sanoista on 8 000 yleisimmän sanan joukossa
- Essays of Michel de Montaigne - 101Jokainen rivi edustaa sanojen prosenttiosuutta 1000 yleisintä sanaa kohti.Sanojen kokonaismäärä on 4939Yksilöllisten sanojen kokonaismäärä on 145244.6 sanoista on 2000 yleisimmän sanan joukossa64.2 sanoista on 5 000 yleisimmän sanan joukossa72.8 sanoista on 8 000 yleisimmän sanan joukossa
- Essays of Michel de Montaigne - 102Jokainen rivi edustaa sanojen prosenttiosuutta 1000 yleisintä sanaa kohti.Sanojen kokonaismäärä on 5068Yksilöllisten sanojen kokonaismäärä on 144246.5 sanoista on 2000 yleisimmän sanan joukossa65.2 sanoista on 5 000 yleisimmän sanan joukossa72.7 sanoista on 8 000 yleisimmän sanan joukossa
- Essays of Michel de Montaigne - 103Jokainen rivi edustaa sanojen prosenttiosuutta 1000 yleisintä sanaa kohti.Sanojen kokonaismäärä on 4987Yksilöllisten sanojen kokonaismäärä on 147947.5 sanoista on 2000 yleisimmän sanan joukossa65.7 sanoista on 5 000 yleisimmän sanan joukossa74.1 sanoista on 8 000 yleisimmän sanan joukossa
- Essays of Michel de Montaigne - 104Jokainen rivi edustaa sanojen prosenttiosuutta 1000 yleisintä sanaa kohti.Sanojen kokonaismäärä on 5081Yksilöllisten sanojen kokonaismäärä on 148248.7 sanoista on 2000 yleisimmän sanan joukossa66.2 sanoista on 5 000 yleisimmän sanan joukossa74.1 sanoista on 8 000 yleisimmän sanan joukossa
- Essays of Michel de Montaigne - 105Jokainen rivi edustaa sanojen prosenttiosuutta 1000 yleisintä sanaa kohti.Sanojen kokonaismäärä on 4841Yksilöllisten sanojen kokonaismäärä on 152741.4 sanoista on 2000 yleisimmän sanan joukossa60.2 sanoista on 5 000 yleisimmän sanan joukossa68.4 sanoista on 8 000 yleisimmän sanan joukossa
- Essays of Michel de Montaigne - 106Jokainen rivi edustaa sanojen prosenttiosuutta 1000 yleisintä sanaa kohti.Sanojen kokonaismäärä on 4628Yksilöllisten sanojen kokonaismäärä on 141048.0 sanoista on 2000 yleisimmän sanan joukossa68.8 sanoista on 5 000 yleisimmän sanan joukossa78.1 sanoista on 8 000 yleisimmän sanan joukossa
- Essays of Michel de Montaigne - 107Jokainen rivi edustaa sanojen prosenttiosuutta 1000 yleisintä sanaa kohti.Sanojen kokonaismäärä on 4543Yksilöllisten sanojen kokonaismäärä on 144747.5 sanoista on 2000 yleisimmän sanan joukossa68.1 sanoista on 5 000 yleisimmän sanan joukossa77.3 sanoista on 8 000 yleisimmän sanan joukossa
- Essays of Michel de Montaigne - 108Jokainen rivi edustaa sanojen prosenttiosuutta 1000 yleisintä sanaa kohti.Sanojen kokonaismäärä on 2607Yksilöllisten sanojen kokonaismäärä on 90156.5 sanoista on 2000 yleisimmän sanan joukossa75.0 sanoista on 5 000 yleisimmän sanan joukossa82.5 sanoista on 8 000 yleisimmän sanan joukossa