Essays of Michel de Montaigne - 042
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assume the authority of regulating our belief to what they themselves
believe; but certainly, this privilege belongs to very few. For the
middle sort of historians, of which the most part are, they spoil all;
they will chew our meat for us; they take upon them to judge of, and
consequently, to incline the history to their own fancy; for if the
judgment lean to one side, a man cannot avoid wresting and writhing his
narrative to that bias; they undertake to select things worthy to be
known, and yet often conceal from us such a word, such a private action,
as would much better instruct us; omit, as incredible, such things as
they do not understand, and peradventure some, because they cannot
express good French or Latin. Let them display their eloquence and
intelligence, and judge according to their own fancy: but let them,
withal, leave us something to judge of after them, and neither alter nor
disguise, by their abridgments and at their own choice, anything of the
substance of the matter, but deliver it to us pure and entire in all its
dimensions.
For the most part, and especially in these latter ages, persons are
culled out for this work from amongst the common people, upon the sole
consideration of well-speaking, as if we were to learn grammar from them;
and the men so chosen have fair reason, being hired for no other end and
pretending to nothing but babble, not to be very solicitous of any part
but that, and so, with a fine jingle of words, prepare us a pretty
contexture of reports they pick up in the streets. The only good
histories are those that have been written themselves who held command in
the affairs whereof they write, or who participated in the conduct of
them, or, at least, who have had the conduct of others of the same
nature. Such are almost all the Greek and Roman histories: for, several
eye-witnesses having written of the same subject, in the time when
grandeur and learning commonly met in the same person, if there happen to
be an error, it must of necessity be a very slight one, and upon a very
doubtful incident. What can a man expect from a physician who writes of
war, or from a mere scholar, treating of the designs of princes? If we
could take notice how scrupulous the Romans were in this, there would
need but this example: Asinius Pollio found in the histories of Caesar
himself something misreported, a mistake occasioned; either by reason he
could not have his eye in all parts of his army at once and had given
credit to some individual persons who had not delivered him a very true
account; or else, for not having had too perfect notice given him by his
lieutenants of what they had done in his absence.--[Suetonius, Life of
Caesar, c. 56.]--By which we may see, whether the inquisition after
truth be not very delicate, when a man cannot believe the report of a
battle from the knowledge of him who there commanded, nor from the
soldiers who were engaged in it, unless, after the method of a judicial
inquiry, the witnesses be confronted and objections considered upon the
proof of the least detail of every incident. In good earnest the
knowledge we have of our own affairs, is much more obscure: but that has
been sufficiently handled by Bodin, and according to my own sentiment
--[In the work by jean Bodin, entitled “Methodus ad facilem historiarum
cognitionem.” 1566.]--A little to aid the weakness of my memory (so
extreme that it has happened to me more than once, to take books again
into my hand as new and unseen, that I had carefully read over a few
years before, and scribbled with my notes) I have adopted a custom of
late, to note at the end of every book (that is, of those I never intend
to read again) the time when I made an end on’t, and the judgment I had
made of it, to the end that this might, at least, represent to me the
character and general idea I had conceived of the author in reading it;
and I will here transcribe some of those annotations.
I wrote this, some ten years ago, in my Guicciardini (of what language
soever my books speak to me in, I always speak to them in my own): “He is
a diligent historiographer, from whom, in my opinion, a man may learn the
truth of the affairs of his time, as exactly as from any other; in the
most of which he was himself also a personal actor, and in honourable
command. There is no appearance that he disguised anything, either upon
the account of hatred, favour, or vanity; of which the free censures he
passes upon the great ones, and particularly those by whom he was
advanced and employed in commands of great trust and honour, as Pope
Clement VII., give ample testimony. As to that part which he thinks
himself the best at, namely, his digressions and discourses, he has
indeed some very good, and enriched with fine features; but he is too
fond of them: for, to leave nothing unsaid, having a subject so full,
ample, almost infinite, he degenerates into pedantry and smacks a little
of scholastic prattle. I have also observed this in him, that of so many
souls and so many effects, so many motives and so many counsels as he
judges, he never attributes any one to virtue, religion, or conscience,
as if all these were utterly extinct in the world: and of all the
actions, how brave soever in outward show they appear in themselves, he
always refers the cause and motive to some vicious occasion or some
prospect of profit. It is impossible to imagine but that, amongst such
an infinite number of actions as he makes mention of, there must be some
one produced by the way of honest reason. No corruption could so
universally have infected men that some one would not escape the
contagion which makes me suspect that his own taste was vicious, whence
it might happen that he judged other men by himself.”
In my Philip de Commines there is this written: “You will here find the
language sweet and delightful, of a natural simplicity, the narration
pure, with the good faith of the author conspicuous therein; free from
vanity, when speaking of himself, and from affection or envy, when
speaking of others: his discourses and exhortations rather accompanied
with zeal and truth, than with any exquisite sufficiency; and,
throughout, authority and gravity, which bespeak him a man of good
extraction, and brought up in great affairs.”
Upon the Memoirs of Monsieur du Bellay I find this: “‘Tis always pleasant
to read things written by those that have experienced how they ought to
be carried on; but withal, it cannot be denied but there is a manifest
decadence in these two lords--[Martin du Bellay and Guillaume de Langey,
brothers, who jointly wrote the Memoirs.]--from the freedom and liberty
of writing that shine in the elder historians, such as the Sire de
Joinville, the familiar companion of St. Louis; Eginhard, chancellor to
Charlemagne; and of later date, Philip de Commines. What we have here is
rather an apology for King Francis, against the Emperor Charles V., than
history. I will not believe that they have falsified anything, as to
matter of fact; but they make a common practice of twisting the judgment
of events, very often contrary to reason, to our advantage, and of
omitting whatsoever is ticklish to be handled in the life of their
master; witness the proceedings of Messieurs de Montmorency and de Biron,
which are here omitted: nay, so much as the very name of Madame
d’Estampes is not here to be found. Secret actions an historian may
conceal; but to pass over in silence what all the world knows and things
that have drawn after them public and such high consequences, is an
inexcusable defect. In fine, whoever has a mind to have a perfect
knowledge of King Francis and the events of his reign, let him seek it
elsewhere, if my advice may prevail. The only profit a man can reap from
these Memoirs is in the special narrative of battles and other exploits
of war wherein these gentlemen were personally engaged; in some words and
private actions of the princes of their time, and in the treaties and
negotiations carried on by the Seigneur de Langey, where there are
everywhere things worthy to be known, and discourses above the vulgar
strain.”
CHAPTER XI
OF CRUELTY
I fancy virtue to be something else, and something more noble, than good
nature, and the mere propension to goodness, that we are born into the
world withal. Well-disposed and well-descended souls pursue, indeed, the
same methods, and represent in their actions the same face that virtue
itself does: but the word virtue imports, I know not what, more great and
active than merely for a man to suffer himself, by a happy disposition,
to be gently and quietly drawn to the rule of reason. He who, by a
natural sweetness and facility, should despise injuries received, would
doubtless do a very fine and laudable thing; but he who, provoked and
nettled to the quick by an offence, should fortify himself with the arms
of reason against the furious appetite of revenge, and after a great
conflict, master his own passion, would certainly do a great deal more.
The first would do well; the latter virtuously: one action might be
called goodness, and the other virtue; for methinks, the very name of
virtue presupposes difficulty and contention, and cannot be exercised
without an opponent. ‘Tis for this reason, perhaps, that we call God
good, mighty, liberal and just; but we do not call Him virtuous, being
that all His operations are natural and without endeavour.--[Rousseau,
in his Emile, book v., adopts this passage almost in the same words.]--
It has been the opinion of many philosophers, not only Stoics, but
Epicureans--and this addition--
[“Montaigne stops here to make his excuse for thus naming the
Epicureans with the Stoics, in conformity to the general opinion
that the Epicureans were not so rigid in their morals as the Stoics,
which is not true in the main, as he demonstrates at one view. This
involved Montaigne in a tedious parenthesis, during which it is
proper that the reader be attentive, that he may not entirely lose
the thread of the argument. In some later editions of this author,
it has been attempted to remedy this inconvenience, but without
observing that Montaigne’s argument is rendered more feeble and
obscure by such vain repetitions: it is a licence that ought not to
be taken, because he who publishes the work of another, ought to
give it as the other composed ft. But, in Mr Cotton’s translation,
he was so puzzled with this enormous parenthesis that he has quite
left it out”--Coste.]
I borrow from the vulgar opinion, which is false, notwithstanding the
witty conceit of Arcesilaus in answer to one, who, being reproached that
many scholars went from his school to the Epicurean, but never any from
thence to his school, said in answer, “I believe it indeed; numbers of
capons being made out of cocks, but never any cocks out of capons.”
--[Diogenes Laertius, Life of Archesilaus, lib. iv., 43.]--For, in truth,
the Epicurean sect is not at all inferior to the Stoic in steadiness, and
the rigour of opinions and precepts. And a certain Stoic, showing more
honesty than those disputants, who, in order to quarrel with Epicurus,
and to throw the game into their hands, make him say what he never
thought, putting a wrong construction upon his words, clothing his
sentences, by the strict rules of grammar, with another meaning, and a
different opinion from that which they knew he entertained in his mind
and in his morals, the Stoic, I say, declared that he abandoned the
Epicurean sect, upon this among other considerations, that he thought
their road too lofty and inaccessible;
[“And those are called lovers of pleasure, being in effect
lovers of honour and justice, who cultivate and observe all
the virtues.”--Cicero, Ep. Fam., xv. i, 19.]
These philosophers say that it is not enough to have the soul seated in
a good place, of a good temper, and well disposed to virtue; it is not
enough to have our resolutions and our reasoning fixed above all the
power of fortune, but that we are, moreover, to seek occasions wherein to
put them to the proof: they would seek pain, necessity, and contempt to
contend with them and to keep the soul in breath:
“Multum sibi adjicit virtus lacessita.”
[“Virtue is much strengthened by combats.”
or: “Virtue attacked adds to its own force.”
--Seneca, Ep., 13.]
‘Tis one of the reasons why Epaminondas, who was yet of a third sect,
--[The Pythagorean.]--refused the riches fortune presented to him by
very lawful means; because, said he, I am to contend with poverty, in
which extreme he maintained himself to the last. Socrates put himself,
methinks, upon a ruder trial, keeping for his exercise a confounded
scolding wife, which was fighting at sharps. Metellus having, of all the
Roman senators, alone attempted, by the power of virtue, to withstand the
violence of Saturninus, tribune of the people at Rome, who would, by all
means, cause an unjust law to pass in favour of the commons, and, by so
doing, having incurred the capital penalties that Saturninus had
established against the dissentient, entertained those who, in this
extremity, led him to execution with words to this effect: That it was a
thing too easy and too base to do ill; and that to do well where there
was no danger was a common thing; but that to do well where there was
danger was the proper office of a man of virtue. These words of Metellus
very clearly represent to us what I would make out, viz., that virtue
refuses facility for a companion; and that the easy, smooth, and
descending way by which the regular steps of a sweet disposition of
nature are conducted is not that of a true virtue; she requires a rough
and stormy passage; she will have either exotic difficulties to wrestle
with, like that of Metellus, by means whereof fortune delights to
interrupt the speed of her career, or internal difficulties, that the
inordinate appetites and imperfections of our condition introduce to
disturb her.
I am come thus far at my ease; but here it comes into my head that the
soul of Socrates, the most perfect that ever came to my knowledge, should
by this rule be of very little recommendation; for I cannot conceive in
that person any the least motion of a vicious inclination: I cannot
imagine there could be any difficulty or constraint in the course of his
virtue: I know his reason to be so powerful and sovereign over him that
she would never have suffered a vicious appetite so much as to spring in
him. To a virtue so elevated as his, I have nothing to oppose. Methinks
I see him march, with a victorious and triumphant pace, in pomp and at
his ease, without opposition or disturbance. If virtue cannot shine
bright, but by the conflict of contrary appetites, shall we then say that
she cannot subsist without the assistance of vice, and that it is from
her that she derives her reputation and honour? What then, also, would
become of that brave and generous Epicurean pleasure, which makes account
that it nourishes virtue tenderly in her lap, and there makes it play and
wanton, giving it for toys to play withal, shame, fevers, poverty, death,
and torments? If I presuppose that a perfect virtue manifests itself in
contending, in patient enduring of pain, and undergoing the uttermost
extremity of the gout; without being moved in her seat; if I give her
troubles and difficulty for her necessary objects: what will become of a
virtue elevated to such a degree, as not only to despise pain, but,
moreover, to rejoice in it, and to be tickled with the throes of a sharp
colic, such as the Epicureans have established, and of which many of
them, by their actions, have given most manifest proofs? As have several
others, who I find to have surpassed in effects even the very rules of
their discipline. Witness the younger Cato: When I see him die, and
tearing out his own bowels, I am not satisfied simply to believe that he
had then his soul totally exempt from all trouble and horror: I cannot
think that he only maintained himself in the steadiness that the Stoical
rules prescribed him; temperate, without emotion, and imperturbed. There
was, methinks, something in the virtue of this man too sprightly and
fresh to stop there; I believe that, without doubt, he felt a pleasure
and delight in so noble an action, and was more pleased in it than in any
other of his life:
“Sic abiit a vita, ut causam moriendi nactum se esse gauderet.”
[“He quitted life rejoicing that a reason for dying had arisen.”
--Cicero, Tusc. Quaes., i. 30.]
I believe it so thoroughly that I question whether he would have been
content to have been deprived of the occasion of so brave an exploit; and
if the goodness that made him embrace the public concern more than his
own, withheld me not, I should easily fall into an opinion that he
thought himself obliged to fortune for having put his virtue upon so
brave a trial, and for having favoured that theif--[Caesar]--in treading
underfoot the ancient liberty of his country. Methinks I read in this
action I know not what exaltation in his soul, and an extraordinary and
manly emotion of pleasure, when he looked upon the generosity and height
of his enterprise:
“Deliberate morte ferocior,”
[“The more courageous from the deliberation to die.”
--Horace, Od., i. 37, 29.]
not stimulated with any hope of glory, as the popular and effeminate
judgments of some have concluded (for that consideration was too mean and
low to possess so generous, so haughty, and so determined a heart as
his), but for the very beauty of the thing in itself, which he who had
the handling of the springs discerned more clearly and in its perfection
than we are able to do. Philosophy has obliged me in determining that so
brave an action had been indecently placed in any other life than that of
Cato; and that it only appertained to his to end so; notwithstanding, and
according to reason, he commanded his son and the senators who
accompanied him to take another course in their affairs:
“Catoni, quum incredibilem natura tribuisset gravitatem,
eamque ipse perpetue constantia roboravisset, semperque
in proposito consilio permansisset, moriendum potius,
quam tyranni vultus aspiciendus, erat.”
[“Cato, whom nature had given incredible dignity, which he had
fortified by perpetual constancy, ever remaining of his
predetermined opinion, preferred to die rather than to look
on the countenance of a tyrant.”--Cicero, De Ofc., i. 31.]
Every death ought to hold proportion with the life before it; we do not
become others for dying. I always interpret the death by the life
preceding; and if any one tell me of a death strong and constant in
appearance, annexed to a feeble life, I conclude it produced by some
feeble cause, and suitable to the life before. The easiness then of his
death and the facility of dying he had acquired by the vigour of his
soul; shall we say that it ought to abate anything of the lustre of his
virtue? And who, that has his brain never so little tinctured with the
true philosophy, can be content to imagine Socrates only free from fear
and passion in the accident of his prison, fetters, and condemnation?
and that will not discover in him not only firmness and constancy (which
was his ordinary condition), but, moreover, I know not what new
satisfaction, and a frolic cheerfulness in his last words and actions?
In the start he gave with the pleasure of scratching his leg when his
irons were taken off, does he not discover an equal serenity and joy in
his soul for being freed from past inconveniences, and at the same time
to enter into the knowledge of the things to come? Cato shall pardon me,
if he please; his death indeed is more tragical and more lingering; but
yet this is, I know not how, methinks, finer. Aristippus, to one that
was lamenting this death: “The gods grant me such an one,” said he.
A man discerns in the soul of these two great men and their imitators
(for I very much doubt whether there were ever their equals) so perfect a
habitude to virtue, that it was turned to a complexion. It is no longer
a laborious virtue, nor the precepts of reason, to maintain which the
soul is so racked, but the very essence of their soul, its natural and
ordinary habit; they have rendered it such by a long practice of
philosophical precepts having lit upon a rich and fine nature; the
vicious passions that spring in us can find no entrance into them; the
force and vigour of their soul stifle and extinguish irregular desires,
so soon as they begin to move.
Now, that it is not more noble, by a high and divine resolution, to
hinder the birth of temptations, and to be so formed to virtue, that the
very seeds of vice are rooted out, than to hinder by main force their
progress; and, having suffered ourselves to be surprised with the first
motions of the passions, to arm ourselves and to stand firm to oppose
their progress, and overcome them; and that this second effect is not
also much more generous than to be simply endowed with a facile and
affable nature, of itself disaffected to debauchery and vice, I do not
think can be doubted; for this third and last sort of virtue seems to
render a man innocent, but not virtuous; free from doing ill, but not apt
enough to do well: considering also, that this condition is so near
neighbour to imperfection and cowardice, that I know not very well how to
separate the confines and distinguish them: the very names of goodness
and innocence are, for this reason, in some sort grown into contempt.
I very well know that several virtues, as chastity, sobriety, and
temperance, may come to a man through personal defects. Constancy in
danger, if it must be so called, the contempt of death, and patience in
misfortunes, may ofttimes be found in men for want of well judging of
such accidents, and not apprehending them for such as they are. Want of
apprehension and stupidity sometimes counterfeit virtuous effects as I
have often seen it happen, that men have been commended for what really
merited blame. An Italian lord once said this, in my presence, to the
disadvantage of his own nation: that the subtlety of the Italians, and
the vivacity of their conceptions were so great, and they foresaw the
dangers and accidents that might befall them so far off, that it was not
to be thought strange, if they were often, in war, observed to provide
for their safety, even before they had discovered the peril; that we
French and the Spaniards, who were not so cunning, went on further, and
that we must be made to see and feel the danger before we would take the
alarm; but that even then we could not stick to it. But the Germans and
Swiss, more gross and heavy, had not the sense to look about them, even
when the blows were falling about their ears. Peradventure, he only
talked so for mirth’s sake; and yet it is most certain that in war raw
soldiers rush into dangers with more precipitancy than after they have
been cudgelled*--(The original has eschauldex--scalded)
“Haud ignarus . . . . quantum nova gloria in armis,
Et praedulce decus, primo certamine possit.”
[“Not ignorant how much power the fresh glory of arms and sweetest
honour possess in the first contest.”--AEneid, xi. 154]
For this reason it is that, when we judge of a particular action, we are
to consider the circumstances, and the whole man by whom it is performed,
before we give it a name.
To instance in myself: I have sometimes known my friends call that
prudence in me, which was merely fortune; and repute that courage and
patience, which was judgment and opinion; and attribute to me one title
for another, sometimes to my advantage and sometimes otherwise. As to
the rest, I am so far from being arrived at the first and most perfect
degree of excellence, where virtue is turned into habit, that even of the
second I have made no great proofs. I have not been very solicitous to
curb the desires by which I have been importuned. My virtue is a virtue,
or rather an innocence, casual and accidental. If I had been born of a
more irregular complexion, I am afraid I should have made scurvy work;
for I never observed any great stability in my soul to resist passions,
if they were never so little vehement: I know not how to nourish quarrels
and debates in my own bosom, and, consequently, owe myself no great
thanks that I am free from several vices:
“Si vitiis mediocribus et mea paucis
Mendosa est natura, alioqui recta, velut si
Egregio inspersos reprehendas corpore naevos:”
[“If my nature be disfigured only with slight and few vices, and is
otherwise just, it is as if you should blame moles on a fair body.”
--Horatius, Sat., i. 6, 65.]
I owe it rather to my fortune than my reason. She has caused me to be
descended of a race famous for integrity and of a very good father; I
know not whether or no he has infused into me part of his humours, or
whether domestic examples and the good education of my infancy have
insensibly assisted in the work, or, if I was otherwise born so:
“Seu Libra, seu me Scorpius adspicit
Formidolosus, pars violentior
Natalis hors, seu tyrannus
Hesperive Capricornus undae:”
[“Whether the Balance or dread Scorpio, more potent over my natal
hour, aspects me, or Capricorn, supreme over the Hesperian sea.”
--Horace, Od., ii. 117.]
but so it is, that I have naturally a horror for most vices. The answer
of Antisthenes to him who asked him, which was the best apprenticeship
“to unlearn evil,” seems to point at this. I have them in horror, I say,
with a detestation so natural, and so much my own, that the same instinct
and impression I brought of them with me from my nurse, I yet retain, and
no temptation whatever has had the power to make me alter it. Not so
much as my own discourses, which in some things lashing out of the common
road might seem easily to license me to actions that my natural
inclination makes me hate. I will say a prodigious thing, but I will say
it, however: I find myself in many things more under reputation by my
manners than by my opinion, and my concupiscence less debauched than my
reason. Aristippus instituted opinions so bold in favour of pleasure and
riches as set all the philosophers against him: but as to his manners,
Dionysius the tyrant, having presented three beautiful women before him,
to take his choice; he made answer, that he would choose them all, and
that Paris got himself into trouble for having preferred one before the
other two: but, having taken them home to his house, he sent them back
untouched. His servant finding himself overladen upon the way, with the
money he carried after him, he ordered him to pour out and throw away
that which troubled him. And Epicurus, whose doctrines were so
irreligious and effeminate, was in his life very laborious and devout;
he wrote to a friend of his that he lived only upon biscuit and water,
entreating him to send him a little cheese, to lie by him against he had
a mind to make a feast. Must it be true, that to be a perfect good man,
we must be so by an occult, natural, and universal propriety, without
law, reason, or example? The debauches wherein I have been engaged, have
not been, I thank God, of the worst sort, and I have condemned them in
myself, for my judgment was never infected by them; on the contrary,
I accuse them more severely in myself than in any other; but that is all,
for, as to the rest. I oppose too little resistance and suffer myself to
incline too much to the other side of the balance, excepting that I
moderate them, and prevent them from mixing with other vices, which for
the most part will cling together, if a man have not a care. I have
contracted and curtailed mine, to make them as single and as simple as I
can:
believe; but certainly, this privilege belongs to very few. For the
middle sort of historians, of which the most part are, they spoil all;
they will chew our meat for us; they take upon them to judge of, and
consequently, to incline the history to their own fancy; for if the
judgment lean to one side, a man cannot avoid wresting and writhing his
narrative to that bias; they undertake to select things worthy to be
known, and yet often conceal from us such a word, such a private action,
as would much better instruct us; omit, as incredible, such things as
they do not understand, and peradventure some, because they cannot
express good French or Latin. Let them display their eloquence and
intelligence, and judge according to their own fancy: but let them,
withal, leave us something to judge of after them, and neither alter nor
disguise, by their abridgments and at their own choice, anything of the
substance of the matter, but deliver it to us pure and entire in all its
dimensions.
For the most part, and especially in these latter ages, persons are
culled out for this work from amongst the common people, upon the sole
consideration of well-speaking, as if we were to learn grammar from them;
and the men so chosen have fair reason, being hired for no other end and
pretending to nothing but babble, not to be very solicitous of any part
but that, and so, with a fine jingle of words, prepare us a pretty
contexture of reports they pick up in the streets. The only good
histories are those that have been written themselves who held command in
the affairs whereof they write, or who participated in the conduct of
them, or, at least, who have had the conduct of others of the same
nature. Such are almost all the Greek and Roman histories: for, several
eye-witnesses having written of the same subject, in the time when
grandeur and learning commonly met in the same person, if there happen to
be an error, it must of necessity be a very slight one, and upon a very
doubtful incident. What can a man expect from a physician who writes of
war, or from a mere scholar, treating of the designs of princes? If we
could take notice how scrupulous the Romans were in this, there would
need but this example: Asinius Pollio found in the histories of Caesar
himself something misreported, a mistake occasioned; either by reason he
could not have his eye in all parts of his army at once and had given
credit to some individual persons who had not delivered him a very true
account; or else, for not having had too perfect notice given him by his
lieutenants of what they had done in his absence.--[Suetonius, Life of
Caesar, c. 56.]--By which we may see, whether the inquisition after
truth be not very delicate, when a man cannot believe the report of a
battle from the knowledge of him who there commanded, nor from the
soldiers who were engaged in it, unless, after the method of a judicial
inquiry, the witnesses be confronted and objections considered upon the
proof of the least detail of every incident. In good earnest the
knowledge we have of our own affairs, is much more obscure: but that has
been sufficiently handled by Bodin, and according to my own sentiment
--[In the work by jean Bodin, entitled “Methodus ad facilem historiarum
cognitionem.” 1566.]--A little to aid the weakness of my memory (so
extreme that it has happened to me more than once, to take books again
into my hand as new and unseen, that I had carefully read over a few
years before, and scribbled with my notes) I have adopted a custom of
late, to note at the end of every book (that is, of those I never intend
to read again) the time when I made an end on’t, and the judgment I had
made of it, to the end that this might, at least, represent to me the
character and general idea I had conceived of the author in reading it;
and I will here transcribe some of those annotations.
I wrote this, some ten years ago, in my Guicciardini (of what language
soever my books speak to me in, I always speak to them in my own): “He is
a diligent historiographer, from whom, in my opinion, a man may learn the
truth of the affairs of his time, as exactly as from any other; in the
most of which he was himself also a personal actor, and in honourable
command. There is no appearance that he disguised anything, either upon
the account of hatred, favour, or vanity; of which the free censures he
passes upon the great ones, and particularly those by whom he was
advanced and employed in commands of great trust and honour, as Pope
Clement VII., give ample testimony. As to that part which he thinks
himself the best at, namely, his digressions and discourses, he has
indeed some very good, and enriched with fine features; but he is too
fond of them: for, to leave nothing unsaid, having a subject so full,
ample, almost infinite, he degenerates into pedantry and smacks a little
of scholastic prattle. I have also observed this in him, that of so many
souls and so many effects, so many motives and so many counsels as he
judges, he never attributes any one to virtue, religion, or conscience,
as if all these were utterly extinct in the world: and of all the
actions, how brave soever in outward show they appear in themselves, he
always refers the cause and motive to some vicious occasion or some
prospect of profit. It is impossible to imagine but that, amongst such
an infinite number of actions as he makes mention of, there must be some
one produced by the way of honest reason. No corruption could so
universally have infected men that some one would not escape the
contagion which makes me suspect that his own taste was vicious, whence
it might happen that he judged other men by himself.”
In my Philip de Commines there is this written: “You will here find the
language sweet and delightful, of a natural simplicity, the narration
pure, with the good faith of the author conspicuous therein; free from
vanity, when speaking of himself, and from affection or envy, when
speaking of others: his discourses and exhortations rather accompanied
with zeal and truth, than with any exquisite sufficiency; and,
throughout, authority and gravity, which bespeak him a man of good
extraction, and brought up in great affairs.”
Upon the Memoirs of Monsieur du Bellay I find this: “‘Tis always pleasant
to read things written by those that have experienced how they ought to
be carried on; but withal, it cannot be denied but there is a manifest
decadence in these two lords--[Martin du Bellay and Guillaume de Langey,
brothers, who jointly wrote the Memoirs.]--from the freedom and liberty
of writing that shine in the elder historians, such as the Sire de
Joinville, the familiar companion of St. Louis; Eginhard, chancellor to
Charlemagne; and of later date, Philip de Commines. What we have here is
rather an apology for King Francis, against the Emperor Charles V., than
history. I will not believe that they have falsified anything, as to
matter of fact; but they make a common practice of twisting the judgment
of events, very often contrary to reason, to our advantage, and of
omitting whatsoever is ticklish to be handled in the life of their
master; witness the proceedings of Messieurs de Montmorency and de Biron,
which are here omitted: nay, so much as the very name of Madame
d’Estampes is not here to be found. Secret actions an historian may
conceal; but to pass over in silence what all the world knows and things
that have drawn after them public and such high consequences, is an
inexcusable defect. In fine, whoever has a mind to have a perfect
knowledge of King Francis and the events of his reign, let him seek it
elsewhere, if my advice may prevail. The only profit a man can reap from
these Memoirs is in the special narrative of battles and other exploits
of war wherein these gentlemen were personally engaged; in some words and
private actions of the princes of their time, and in the treaties and
negotiations carried on by the Seigneur de Langey, where there are
everywhere things worthy to be known, and discourses above the vulgar
strain.”
CHAPTER XI
OF CRUELTY
I fancy virtue to be something else, and something more noble, than good
nature, and the mere propension to goodness, that we are born into the
world withal. Well-disposed and well-descended souls pursue, indeed, the
same methods, and represent in their actions the same face that virtue
itself does: but the word virtue imports, I know not what, more great and
active than merely for a man to suffer himself, by a happy disposition,
to be gently and quietly drawn to the rule of reason. He who, by a
natural sweetness and facility, should despise injuries received, would
doubtless do a very fine and laudable thing; but he who, provoked and
nettled to the quick by an offence, should fortify himself with the arms
of reason against the furious appetite of revenge, and after a great
conflict, master his own passion, would certainly do a great deal more.
The first would do well; the latter virtuously: one action might be
called goodness, and the other virtue; for methinks, the very name of
virtue presupposes difficulty and contention, and cannot be exercised
without an opponent. ‘Tis for this reason, perhaps, that we call God
good, mighty, liberal and just; but we do not call Him virtuous, being
that all His operations are natural and without endeavour.--[Rousseau,
in his Emile, book v., adopts this passage almost in the same words.]--
It has been the opinion of many philosophers, not only Stoics, but
Epicureans--and this addition--
[“Montaigne stops here to make his excuse for thus naming the
Epicureans with the Stoics, in conformity to the general opinion
that the Epicureans were not so rigid in their morals as the Stoics,
which is not true in the main, as he demonstrates at one view. This
involved Montaigne in a tedious parenthesis, during which it is
proper that the reader be attentive, that he may not entirely lose
the thread of the argument. In some later editions of this author,
it has been attempted to remedy this inconvenience, but without
observing that Montaigne’s argument is rendered more feeble and
obscure by such vain repetitions: it is a licence that ought not to
be taken, because he who publishes the work of another, ought to
give it as the other composed ft. But, in Mr Cotton’s translation,
he was so puzzled with this enormous parenthesis that he has quite
left it out”--Coste.]
I borrow from the vulgar opinion, which is false, notwithstanding the
witty conceit of Arcesilaus in answer to one, who, being reproached that
many scholars went from his school to the Epicurean, but never any from
thence to his school, said in answer, “I believe it indeed; numbers of
capons being made out of cocks, but never any cocks out of capons.”
--[Diogenes Laertius, Life of Archesilaus, lib. iv., 43.]--For, in truth,
the Epicurean sect is not at all inferior to the Stoic in steadiness, and
the rigour of opinions and precepts. And a certain Stoic, showing more
honesty than those disputants, who, in order to quarrel with Epicurus,
and to throw the game into their hands, make him say what he never
thought, putting a wrong construction upon his words, clothing his
sentences, by the strict rules of grammar, with another meaning, and a
different opinion from that which they knew he entertained in his mind
and in his morals, the Stoic, I say, declared that he abandoned the
Epicurean sect, upon this among other considerations, that he thought
their road too lofty and inaccessible;
[“And those are called lovers of pleasure, being in effect
lovers of honour and justice, who cultivate and observe all
the virtues.”--Cicero, Ep. Fam., xv. i, 19.]
These philosophers say that it is not enough to have the soul seated in
a good place, of a good temper, and well disposed to virtue; it is not
enough to have our resolutions and our reasoning fixed above all the
power of fortune, but that we are, moreover, to seek occasions wherein to
put them to the proof: they would seek pain, necessity, and contempt to
contend with them and to keep the soul in breath:
“Multum sibi adjicit virtus lacessita.”
[“Virtue is much strengthened by combats.”
or: “Virtue attacked adds to its own force.”
--Seneca, Ep., 13.]
‘Tis one of the reasons why Epaminondas, who was yet of a third sect,
--[The Pythagorean.]--refused the riches fortune presented to him by
very lawful means; because, said he, I am to contend with poverty, in
which extreme he maintained himself to the last. Socrates put himself,
methinks, upon a ruder trial, keeping for his exercise a confounded
scolding wife, which was fighting at sharps. Metellus having, of all the
Roman senators, alone attempted, by the power of virtue, to withstand the
violence of Saturninus, tribune of the people at Rome, who would, by all
means, cause an unjust law to pass in favour of the commons, and, by so
doing, having incurred the capital penalties that Saturninus had
established against the dissentient, entertained those who, in this
extremity, led him to execution with words to this effect: That it was a
thing too easy and too base to do ill; and that to do well where there
was no danger was a common thing; but that to do well where there was
danger was the proper office of a man of virtue. These words of Metellus
very clearly represent to us what I would make out, viz., that virtue
refuses facility for a companion; and that the easy, smooth, and
descending way by which the regular steps of a sweet disposition of
nature are conducted is not that of a true virtue; she requires a rough
and stormy passage; she will have either exotic difficulties to wrestle
with, like that of Metellus, by means whereof fortune delights to
interrupt the speed of her career, or internal difficulties, that the
inordinate appetites and imperfections of our condition introduce to
disturb her.
I am come thus far at my ease; but here it comes into my head that the
soul of Socrates, the most perfect that ever came to my knowledge, should
by this rule be of very little recommendation; for I cannot conceive in
that person any the least motion of a vicious inclination: I cannot
imagine there could be any difficulty or constraint in the course of his
virtue: I know his reason to be so powerful and sovereign over him that
she would never have suffered a vicious appetite so much as to spring in
him. To a virtue so elevated as his, I have nothing to oppose. Methinks
I see him march, with a victorious and triumphant pace, in pomp and at
his ease, without opposition or disturbance. If virtue cannot shine
bright, but by the conflict of contrary appetites, shall we then say that
she cannot subsist without the assistance of vice, and that it is from
her that she derives her reputation and honour? What then, also, would
become of that brave and generous Epicurean pleasure, which makes account
that it nourishes virtue tenderly in her lap, and there makes it play and
wanton, giving it for toys to play withal, shame, fevers, poverty, death,
and torments? If I presuppose that a perfect virtue manifests itself in
contending, in patient enduring of pain, and undergoing the uttermost
extremity of the gout; without being moved in her seat; if I give her
troubles and difficulty for her necessary objects: what will become of a
virtue elevated to such a degree, as not only to despise pain, but,
moreover, to rejoice in it, and to be tickled with the throes of a sharp
colic, such as the Epicureans have established, and of which many of
them, by their actions, have given most manifest proofs? As have several
others, who I find to have surpassed in effects even the very rules of
their discipline. Witness the younger Cato: When I see him die, and
tearing out his own bowels, I am not satisfied simply to believe that he
had then his soul totally exempt from all trouble and horror: I cannot
think that he only maintained himself in the steadiness that the Stoical
rules prescribed him; temperate, without emotion, and imperturbed. There
was, methinks, something in the virtue of this man too sprightly and
fresh to stop there; I believe that, without doubt, he felt a pleasure
and delight in so noble an action, and was more pleased in it than in any
other of his life:
“Sic abiit a vita, ut causam moriendi nactum se esse gauderet.”
[“He quitted life rejoicing that a reason for dying had arisen.”
--Cicero, Tusc. Quaes., i. 30.]
I believe it so thoroughly that I question whether he would have been
content to have been deprived of the occasion of so brave an exploit; and
if the goodness that made him embrace the public concern more than his
own, withheld me not, I should easily fall into an opinion that he
thought himself obliged to fortune for having put his virtue upon so
brave a trial, and for having favoured that theif--[Caesar]--in treading
underfoot the ancient liberty of his country. Methinks I read in this
action I know not what exaltation in his soul, and an extraordinary and
manly emotion of pleasure, when he looked upon the generosity and height
of his enterprise:
“Deliberate morte ferocior,”
[“The more courageous from the deliberation to die.”
--Horace, Od., i. 37, 29.]
not stimulated with any hope of glory, as the popular and effeminate
judgments of some have concluded (for that consideration was too mean and
low to possess so generous, so haughty, and so determined a heart as
his), but for the very beauty of the thing in itself, which he who had
the handling of the springs discerned more clearly and in its perfection
than we are able to do. Philosophy has obliged me in determining that so
brave an action had been indecently placed in any other life than that of
Cato; and that it only appertained to his to end so; notwithstanding, and
according to reason, he commanded his son and the senators who
accompanied him to take another course in their affairs:
“Catoni, quum incredibilem natura tribuisset gravitatem,
eamque ipse perpetue constantia roboravisset, semperque
in proposito consilio permansisset, moriendum potius,
quam tyranni vultus aspiciendus, erat.”
[“Cato, whom nature had given incredible dignity, which he had
fortified by perpetual constancy, ever remaining of his
predetermined opinion, preferred to die rather than to look
on the countenance of a tyrant.”--Cicero, De Ofc., i. 31.]
Every death ought to hold proportion with the life before it; we do not
become others for dying. I always interpret the death by the life
preceding; and if any one tell me of a death strong and constant in
appearance, annexed to a feeble life, I conclude it produced by some
feeble cause, and suitable to the life before. The easiness then of his
death and the facility of dying he had acquired by the vigour of his
soul; shall we say that it ought to abate anything of the lustre of his
virtue? And who, that has his brain never so little tinctured with the
true philosophy, can be content to imagine Socrates only free from fear
and passion in the accident of his prison, fetters, and condemnation?
and that will not discover in him not only firmness and constancy (which
was his ordinary condition), but, moreover, I know not what new
satisfaction, and a frolic cheerfulness in his last words and actions?
In the start he gave with the pleasure of scratching his leg when his
irons were taken off, does he not discover an equal serenity and joy in
his soul for being freed from past inconveniences, and at the same time
to enter into the knowledge of the things to come? Cato shall pardon me,
if he please; his death indeed is more tragical and more lingering; but
yet this is, I know not how, methinks, finer. Aristippus, to one that
was lamenting this death: “The gods grant me such an one,” said he.
A man discerns in the soul of these two great men and their imitators
(for I very much doubt whether there were ever their equals) so perfect a
habitude to virtue, that it was turned to a complexion. It is no longer
a laborious virtue, nor the precepts of reason, to maintain which the
soul is so racked, but the very essence of their soul, its natural and
ordinary habit; they have rendered it such by a long practice of
philosophical precepts having lit upon a rich and fine nature; the
vicious passions that spring in us can find no entrance into them; the
force and vigour of their soul stifle and extinguish irregular desires,
so soon as they begin to move.
Now, that it is not more noble, by a high and divine resolution, to
hinder the birth of temptations, and to be so formed to virtue, that the
very seeds of vice are rooted out, than to hinder by main force their
progress; and, having suffered ourselves to be surprised with the first
motions of the passions, to arm ourselves and to stand firm to oppose
their progress, and overcome them; and that this second effect is not
also much more generous than to be simply endowed with a facile and
affable nature, of itself disaffected to debauchery and vice, I do not
think can be doubted; for this third and last sort of virtue seems to
render a man innocent, but not virtuous; free from doing ill, but not apt
enough to do well: considering also, that this condition is so near
neighbour to imperfection and cowardice, that I know not very well how to
separate the confines and distinguish them: the very names of goodness
and innocence are, for this reason, in some sort grown into contempt.
I very well know that several virtues, as chastity, sobriety, and
temperance, may come to a man through personal defects. Constancy in
danger, if it must be so called, the contempt of death, and patience in
misfortunes, may ofttimes be found in men for want of well judging of
such accidents, and not apprehending them for such as they are. Want of
apprehension and stupidity sometimes counterfeit virtuous effects as I
have often seen it happen, that men have been commended for what really
merited blame. An Italian lord once said this, in my presence, to the
disadvantage of his own nation: that the subtlety of the Italians, and
the vivacity of their conceptions were so great, and they foresaw the
dangers and accidents that might befall them so far off, that it was not
to be thought strange, if they were often, in war, observed to provide
for their safety, even before they had discovered the peril; that we
French and the Spaniards, who were not so cunning, went on further, and
that we must be made to see and feel the danger before we would take the
alarm; but that even then we could not stick to it. But the Germans and
Swiss, more gross and heavy, had not the sense to look about them, even
when the blows were falling about their ears. Peradventure, he only
talked so for mirth’s sake; and yet it is most certain that in war raw
soldiers rush into dangers with more precipitancy than after they have
been cudgelled*--(The original has eschauldex--scalded)
“Haud ignarus . . . . quantum nova gloria in armis,
Et praedulce decus, primo certamine possit.”
[“Not ignorant how much power the fresh glory of arms and sweetest
honour possess in the first contest.”--AEneid, xi. 154]
For this reason it is that, when we judge of a particular action, we are
to consider the circumstances, and the whole man by whom it is performed,
before we give it a name.
To instance in myself: I have sometimes known my friends call that
prudence in me, which was merely fortune; and repute that courage and
patience, which was judgment and opinion; and attribute to me one title
for another, sometimes to my advantage and sometimes otherwise. As to
the rest, I am so far from being arrived at the first and most perfect
degree of excellence, where virtue is turned into habit, that even of the
second I have made no great proofs. I have not been very solicitous to
curb the desires by which I have been importuned. My virtue is a virtue,
or rather an innocence, casual and accidental. If I had been born of a
more irregular complexion, I am afraid I should have made scurvy work;
for I never observed any great stability in my soul to resist passions,
if they were never so little vehement: I know not how to nourish quarrels
and debates in my own bosom, and, consequently, owe myself no great
thanks that I am free from several vices:
“Si vitiis mediocribus et mea paucis
Mendosa est natura, alioqui recta, velut si
Egregio inspersos reprehendas corpore naevos:”
[“If my nature be disfigured only with slight and few vices, and is
otherwise just, it is as if you should blame moles on a fair body.”
--Horatius, Sat., i. 6, 65.]
I owe it rather to my fortune than my reason. She has caused me to be
descended of a race famous for integrity and of a very good father; I
know not whether or no he has infused into me part of his humours, or
whether domestic examples and the good education of my infancy have
insensibly assisted in the work, or, if I was otherwise born so:
“Seu Libra, seu me Scorpius adspicit
Formidolosus, pars violentior
Natalis hors, seu tyrannus
Hesperive Capricornus undae:”
[“Whether the Balance or dread Scorpio, more potent over my natal
hour, aspects me, or Capricorn, supreme over the Hesperian sea.”
--Horace, Od., ii. 117.]
but so it is, that I have naturally a horror for most vices. The answer
of Antisthenes to him who asked him, which was the best apprenticeship
“to unlearn evil,” seems to point at this. I have them in horror, I say,
with a detestation so natural, and so much my own, that the same instinct
and impression I brought of them with me from my nurse, I yet retain, and
no temptation whatever has had the power to make me alter it. Not so
much as my own discourses, which in some things lashing out of the common
road might seem easily to license me to actions that my natural
inclination makes me hate. I will say a prodigious thing, but I will say
it, however: I find myself in many things more under reputation by my
manners than by my opinion, and my concupiscence less debauched than my
reason. Aristippus instituted opinions so bold in favour of pleasure and
riches as set all the philosophers against him: but as to his manners,
Dionysius the tyrant, having presented three beautiful women before him,
to take his choice; he made answer, that he would choose them all, and
that Paris got himself into trouble for having preferred one before the
other two: but, having taken them home to his house, he sent them back
untouched. His servant finding himself overladen upon the way, with the
money he carried after him, he ordered him to pour out and throw away
that which troubled him. And Epicurus, whose doctrines were so
irreligious and effeminate, was in his life very laborious and devout;
he wrote to a friend of his that he lived only upon biscuit and water,
entreating him to send him a little cheese, to lie by him against he had
a mind to make a feast. Must it be true, that to be a perfect good man,
we must be so by an occult, natural, and universal propriety, without
law, reason, or example? The debauches wherein I have been engaged, have
not been, I thank God, of the worst sort, and I have condemned them in
myself, for my judgment was never infected by them; on the contrary,
I accuse them more severely in myself than in any other; but that is all,
for, as to the rest. I oppose too little resistance and suffer myself to
incline too much to the other side of the balance, excepting that I
moderate them, and prevent them from mixing with other vices, which for
the most part will cling together, if a man have not a care. I have
contracted and curtailed mine, to make them as single and as simple as I
can:
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- Essays of Michel de Montaigne - 009Härber sızık iñ yış oçrıy torgan 1000 süzlärneñ protsentnı kürsätä.Süzlärneñ gomumi sanı 4876Unikal süzlärneñ gomumi sanı 157342.9 süzlär 2000 iñ yış oçrıy torgan süzlärgä kerä.61.6 süzlär 5000 iñ yış oçrıy torgan süzlärgä kerä.70.1 süzlär 8000 iñ yış oçrıy torgan süzlärgä kerä.
- Essays of Michel de Montaigne - 010Härber sızık iñ yış oçrıy torgan 1000 süzlärneñ protsentnı kürsätä.Süzlärneñ gomumi sanı 4837Unikal süzlärneñ gomumi sanı 154743.5 süzlär 2000 iñ yış oçrıy torgan süzlärgä kerä.58.7 süzlär 5000 iñ yış oçrıy torgan süzlärgä kerä.66.3 süzlär 8000 iñ yış oçrıy torgan süzlärgä kerä.
- Essays of Michel de Montaigne - 011Härber sızık iñ yış oçrıy torgan 1000 süzlärneñ protsentnı kürsätä.Süzlärneñ gomumi sanı 4909Unikal süzlärneñ gomumi sanı 148445.2 süzlär 2000 iñ yış oçrıy torgan süzlärgä kerä.61.9 süzlär 5000 iñ yış oçrıy torgan süzlärgä kerä.69.3 süzlär 8000 iñ yış oçrıy torgan süzlärgä kerä.
- Essays of Michel de Montaigne - 012Härber sızık iñ yış oçrıy torgan 1000 süzlärneñ protsentnı kürsätä.Süzlärneñ gomumi sanı 4949Unikal süzlärneñ gomumi sanı 155546.4 süzlär 2000 iñ yış oçrıy torgan süzlärgä kerä.64.9 süzlär 5000 iñ yış oçrıy torgan süzlärgä kerä.74.0 süzlär 8000 iñ yış oçrıy torgan süzlärgä kerä.
- Essays of Michel de Montaigne - 013Härber sızık iñ yış oçrıy torgan 1000 süzlärneñ protsentnı kürsätä.Süzlärneñ gomumi sanı 4913Unikal süzlärneñ gomumi sanı 149344.5 süzlär 2000 iñ yış oçrıy torgan süzlärgä kerä.66.0 süzlär 5000 iñ yış oçrıy torgan süzlärgä kerä.74.7 süzlär 8000 iñ yış oçrıy torgan süzlärgä kerä.
- Essays of Michel de Montaigne - 014Härber sızık iñ yış oçrıy torgan 1000 süzlärneñ protsentnı kürsätä.Süzlärneñ gomumi sanı 4929Unikal süzlärneñ gomumi sanı 147746.3 süzlär 2000 iñ yış oçrıy torgan süzlärgä kerä.65.5 süzlär 5000 iñ yış oçrıy torgan süzlärgä kerä.74.3 süzlär 8000 iñ yış oçrıy torgan süzlärgä kerä.
- Essays of Michel de Montaigne - 015Härber sızık iñ yış oçrıy torgan 1000 süzlärneñ protsentnı kürsätä.Süzlärneñ gomumi sanı 4886Unikal süzlärneñ gomumi sanı 146244.0 süzlär 2000 iñ yış oçrıy torgan süzlärgä kerä.62.7 süzlär 5000 iñ yış oçrıy torgan süzlärgä kerä.71.4 süzlär 8000 iñ yış oçrıy torgan süzlärgä kerä.
- Essays of Michel de Montaigne - 016Härber sızık iñ yış oçrıy torgan 1000 süzlärneñ protsentnı kürsätä.Süzlärneñ gomumi sanı 4997Unikal süzlärneñ gomumi sanı 140647.2 süzlär 2000 iñ yış oçrıy torgan süzlärgä kerä.66.8 süzlär 5000 iñ yış oçrıy torgan süzlärgä kerä.75.1 süzlär 8000 iñ yış oçrıy torgan süzlärgä kerä.
- Essays of Michel de Montaigne - 017Härber sızık iñ yış oçrıy torgan 1000 süzlärneñ protsentnı kürsätä.Süzlärneñ gomumi sanı 4913Unikal süzlärneñ gomumi sanı 151142.8 süzlär 2000 iñ yış oçrıy torgan süzlärgä kerä.60.7 süzlär 5000 iñ yış oçrıy torgan süzlärgä kerä.68.7 süzlär 8000 iñ yış oçrıy torgan süzlärgä kerä.
- Essays of Michel de Montaigne - 018Härber sızık iñ yış oçrıy torgan 1000 süzlärneñ protsentnı kürsätä.Süzlärneñ gomumi sanı 4865Unikal süzlärneñ gomumi sanı 158241.3 süzlär 2000 iñ yış oçrıy torgan süzlärgä kerä.58.6 süzlär 5000 iñ yış oçrıy torgan süzlärgä kerä.67.8 süzlär 8000 iñ yış oçrıy torgan süzlärgä kerä.
- Essays of Michel de Montaigne - 019Härber sızık iñ yış oçrıy torgan 1000 süzlärneñ protsentnı kürsätä.Süzlärneñ gomumi sanı 4860Unikal süzlärneñ gomumi sanı 152640.5 süzlär 2000 iñ yış oçrıy torgan süzlärgä kerä.57.1 süzlär 5000 iñ yış oçrıy torgan süzlärgä kerä.65.6 süzlär 8000 iñ yış oçrıy torgan süzlärgä kerä.
- Essays of Michel de Montaigne - 020Härber sızık iñ yış oçrıy torgan 1000 süzlärneñ protsentnı kürsätä.Süzlärneñ gomumi sanı 4766Unikal süzlärneñ gomumi sanı 145044.9 süzlär 2000 iñ yış oçrıy torgan süzlärgä kerä.64.9 süzlär 5000 iñ yış oçrıy torgan süzlärgä kerä.74.4 süzlär 8000 iñ yış oçrıy torgan süzlärgä kerä.
- Essays of Michel de Montaigne - 021Härber sızık iñ yış oçrıy torgan 1000 süzlärneñ protsentnı kürsätä.Süzlärneñ gomumi sanı 4804Unikal süzlärneñ gomumi sanı 147543.2 süzlär 2000 iñ yış oçrıy torgan süzlärgä kerä.60.0 süzlär 5000 iñ yış oçrıy torgan süzlärgä kerä.68.7 süzlär 8000 iñ yış oçrıy torgan süzlärgä kerä.
- Essays of Michel de Montaigne - 022Härber sızık iñ yış oçrıy torgan 1000 süzlärneñ protsentnı kürsätä.Süzlärneñ gomumi sanı 4967Unikal süzlärneñ gomumi sanı 153045.9 süzlär 2000 iñ yış oçrıy torgan süzlärgä kerä.64.5 süzlär 5000 iñ yış oçrıy torgan süzlärgä kerä.73.7 süzlär 8000 iñ yış oçrıy torgan süzlärgä kerä.
- Essays of Michel de Montaigne - 023Härber sızık iñ yış oçrıy torgan 1000 süzlärneñ protsentnı kürsätä.Süzlärneñ gomumi sanı 5004Unikal süzlärneñ gomumi sanı 152948.3 süzlär 2000 iñ yış oçrıy torgan süzlärgä kerä.68.5 süzlär 5000 iñ yış oçrıy torgan süzlärgä kerä.76.4 süzlär 8000 iñ yış oçrıy torgan süzlärgä kerä.
- Essays of Michel de Montaigne - 024Härber sızık iñ yış oçrıy torgan 1000 süzlärneñ protsentnı kürsätä.Süzlärneñ gomumi sanı 4791Unikal süzlärneñ gomumi sanı 161742.4 süzlär 2000 iñ yış oçrıy torgan süzlärgä kerä.60.0 süzlär 5000 iñ yış oçrıy torgan süzlärgä kerä.68.4 süzlär 8000 iñ yış oçrıy torgan süzlärgä kerä.
- Essays of Michel de Montaigne - 025Härber sızık iñ yış oçrıy torgan 1000 süzlärneñ protsentnı kürsätä.Süzlärneñ gomumi sanı 4729Unikal süzlärneñ gomumi sanı 145543.1 süzlär 2000 iñ yış oçrıy torgan süzlärgä kerä.62.4 süzlär 5000 iñ yış oçrıy torgan süzlärgä kerä.69.6 süzlär 8000 iñ yış oçrıy torgan süzlärgä kerä.
- Essays of Michel de Montaigne - 026Härber sızık iñ yış oçrıy torgan 1000 süzlärneñ protsentnı kürsätä.Süzlärneñ gomumi sanı 4895Unikal süzlärneñ gomumi sanı 151546.8 süzlär 2000 iñ yış oçrıy torgan süzlärgä kerä.66.8 süzlär 5000 iñ yış oçrıy torgan süzlärgä kerä.75.2 süzlär 8000 iñ yış oçrıy torgan süzlärgä kerä.
- Essays of Michel de Montaigne - 027Härber sızık iñ yış oçrıy torgan 1000 süzlärneñ protsentnı kürsätä.Süzlärneñ gomumi sanı 4959Unikal süzlärneñ gomumi sanı 155746.6 süzlär 2000 iñ yış oçrıy torgan süzlärgä kerä.64.0 süzlär 5000 iñ yış oçrıy torgan süzlärgä kerä.72.7 süzlär 8000 iñ yış oçrıy torgan süzlärgä kerä.
- Essays of Michel de Montaigne - 028Härber sızık iñ yış oçrıy torgan 1000 süzlärneñ protsentnı kürsätä.Süzlärneñ gomumi sanı 4818Unikal süzlärneñ gomumi sanı 158641.3 süzlär 2000 iñ yış oçrıy torgan süzlärgä kerä.58.3 süzlär 5000 iñ yış oçrıy torgan süzlärgä kerä.66.6 süzlär 8000 iñ yış oçrıy torgan süzlärgä kerä.
- Essays of Michel de Montaigne - 029Härber sızık iñ yış oçrıy torgan 1000 süzlärneñ protsentnı kürsätä.Süzlärneñ gomumi sanı 4939Unikal süzlärneñ gomumi sanı 155044.9 süzlär 2000 iñ yış oçrıy torgan süzlärgä kerä.61.9 süzlär 5000 iñ yış oçrıy torgan süzlärgä kerä.70.9 süzlär 8000 iñ yış oçrıy torgan süzlärgä kerä.
- Essays of Michel de Montaigne - 030Härber sızık iñ yış oçrıy torgan 1000 süzlärneñ protsentnı kürsätä.Süzlärneñ gomumi sanı 4888Unikal süzlärneñ gomumi sanı 155443.8 süzlär 2000 iñ yış oçrıy torgan süzlärgä kerä.62.9 süzlär 5000 iñ yış oçrıy torgan süzlärgä kerä.71.2 süzlär 8000 iñ yış oçrıy torgan süzlärgä kerä.
- Essays of Michel de Montaigne - 031Härber sızık iñ yış oçrıy torgan 1000 süzlärneñ protsentnı kürsätä.Süzlärneñ gomumi sanı 4799Unikal süzlärneñ gomumi sanı 155843.1 süzlär 2000 iñ yış oçrıy torgan süzlärgä kerä.58.9 süzlär 5000 iñ yış oçrıy torgan süzlärgä kerä.66.3 süzlär 8000 iñ yış oçrıy torgan süzlärgä kerä.
- Essays of Michel de Montaigne - 032Härber sızık iñ yış oçrıy torgan 1000 süzlärneñ protsentnı kürsätä.Süzlärneñ gomumi sanı 4784Unikal süzlärneñ gomumi sanı 166741.5 süzlär 2000 iñ yış oçrıy torgan süzlärgä kerä.57.8 süzlär 5000 iñ yış oçrıy torgan süzlärgä kerä.66.2 süzlär 8000 iñ yış oçrıy torgan süzlärgä kerä.
- Essays of Michel de Montaigne - 033Härber sızık iñ yış oçrıy torgan 1000 süzlärneñ protsentnı kürsätä.Süzlärneñ gomumi sanı 4887Unikal süzlärneñ gomumi sanı 153143.0 süzlär 2000 iñ yış oçrıy torgan süzlärgä kerä.62.7 süzlär 5000 iñ yış oçrıy torgan süzlärgä kerä.72.3 süzlär 8000 iñ yış oçrıy torgan süzlärgä kerä.
- Essays of Michel de Montaigne - 034Härber sızık iñ yış oçrıy torgan 1000 süzlärneñ protsentnı kürsätä.Süzlärneñ gomumi sanı 4763Unikal süzlärneñ gomumi sanı 149343.5 süzlär 2000 iñ yış oçrıy torgan süzlärgä kerä.62.2 süzlär 5000 iñ yış oçrıy torgan süzlärgä kerä.69.1 süzlär 8000 iñ yış oçrıy torgan süzlärgä kerä.
- Essays of Michel de Montaigne - 035Härber sızık iñ yış oçrıy torgan 1000 süzlärneñ protsentnı kürsätä.Süzlärneñ gomumi sanı 4777Unikal süzlärneñ gomumi sanı 164541.8 süzlär 2000 iñ yış oçrıy torgan süzlärgä kerä.59.8 süzlär 5000 iñ yış oçrıy torgan süzlärgä kerä.68.2 süzlär 8000 iñ yış oçrıy torgan süzlärgä kerä.
- Essays of Michel de Montaigne - 036Härber sızık iñ yış oçrıy torgan 1000 süzlärneñ protsentnı kürsätä.Süzlärneñ gomumi sanı 4812Unikal süzlärneñ gomumi sanı 156642.7 süzlär 2000 iñ yış oçrıy torgan süzlärgä kerä.59.7 süzlär 5000 iñ yış oçrıy torgan süzlärgä kerä.67.1 süzlär 8000 iñ yış oçrıy torgan süzlärgä kerä.
- Essays of Michel de Montaigne - 037Härber sızık iñ yış oçrıy torgan 1000 süzlärneñ protsentnı kürsätä.Süzlärneñ gomumi sanı 4976Unikal süzlärneñ gomumi sanı 146249.9 süzlär 2000 iñ yış oçrıy torgan süzlärgä kerä.69.5 süzlär 5000 iñ yış oçrıy torgan süzlärgä kerä.77.3 süzlär 8000 iñ yış oçrıy torgan süzlärgä kerä.
- Essays of Michel de Montaigne - 038Härber sızık iñ yış oçrıy torgan 1000 süzlärneñ protsentnı kürsätä.Süzlärneñ gomumi sanı 4949Unikal süzlärneñ gomumi sanı 144146.5 süzlär 2000 iñ yış oçrıy torgan süzlärgä kerä.66.2 süzlär 5000 iñ yış oçrıy torgan süzlärgä kerä.74.5 süzlär 8000 iñ yış oçrıy torgan süzlärgä kerä.
- Essays of Michel de Montaigne - 039Härber sızık iñ yış oçrıy torgan 1000 süzlärneñ protsentnı kürsätä.Süzlärneñ gomumi sanı 5086Unikal süzlärneñ gomumi sanı 141551.0 süzlär 2000 iñ yış oçrıy torgan süzlärgä kerä.69.3 süzlär 5000 iñ yış oçrıy torgan süzlärgä kerä.77.9 süzlär 8000 iñ yış oçrıy torgan süzlärgä kerä.
- Essays of Michel de Montaigne - 040Härber sızık iñ yış oçrıy torgan 1000 süzlärneñ protsentnı kürsätä.Süzlärneñ gomumi sanı 5052Unikal süzlärneñ gomumi sanı 141248.6 süzlär 2000 iñ yış oçrıy torgan süzlärgä kerä.67.2 süzlär 5000 iñ yış oçrıy torgan süzlärgä kerä.74.7 süzlär 8000 iñ yış oçrıy torgan süzlärgä kerä.
- Essays of Michel de Montaigne - 041Härber sızık iñ yış oçrıy torgan 1000 süzlärneñ protsentnı kürsätä.Süzlärneñ gomumi sanı 4988Unikal süzlärneñ gomumi sanı 142545.4 süzlär 2000 iñ yış oçrıy torgan süzlärgä kerä.65.1 süzlär 5000 iñ yış oçrıy torgan süzlärgä kerä.74.4 süzlär 8000 iñ yış oçrıy torgan süzlärgä kerä.
- Essays of Michel de Montaigne - 042Härber sızık iñ yış oçrıy torgan 1000 süzlärneñ protsentnı kürsätä.Süzlärneñ gomumi sanı 4890Unikal süzlärneñ gomumi sanı 142745.6 süzlär 2000 iñ yış oçrıy torgan süzlärgä kerä.65.3 süzlär 5000 iñ yış oçrıy torgan süzlärgä kerä.73.3 süzlär 8000 iñ yış oçrıy torgan süzlärgä kerä.
- Essays of Michel de Montaigne - 043Härber sızık iñ yış oçrıy torgan 1000 süzlärneñ protsentnı kürsätä.Süzlärneñ gomumi sanı 4805Unikal süzlärneñ gomumi sanı 153242.5 süzlär 2000 iñ yış oçrıy torgan süzlärgä kerä.61.1 süzlär 5000 iñ yış oçrıy torgan süzlärgä kerä.70.0 süzlär 8000 iñ yış oçrıy torgan süzlärgä kerä.
- Essays of Michel de Montaigne - 044Härber sızık iñ yış oçrıy torgan 1000 süzlärneñ protsentnı kürsätä.Süzlärneñ gomumi sanı 4969Unikal süzlärneñ gomumi sanı 141643.7 süzlär 2000 iñ yış oçrıy torgan süzlärgä kerä.62.2 süzlär 5000 iñ yış oçrıy torgan süzlärgä kerä.72.7 süzlär 8000 iñ yış oçrıy torgan süzlärgä kerä.
- Essays of Michel de Montaigne - 045Härber sızık iñ yış oçrıy torgan 1000 süzlärneñ protsentnı kürsätä.Süzlärneñ gomumi sanı 4977Unikal süzlärneñ gomumi sanı 147845.3 süzlär 2000 iñ yış oçrıy torgan süzlärgä kerä.65.1 süzlär 5000 iñ yış oçrıy torgan süzlärgä kerä.74.3 süzlär 8000 iñ yış oçrıy torgan süzlärgä kerä.
- Essays of Michel de Montaigne - 046Härber sızık iñ yış oçrıy torgan 1000 süzlärneñ protsentnı kürsätä.Süzlärneñ gomumi sanı 4918Unikal süzlärneñ gomumi sanı 166839.3 süzlär 2000 iñ yış oçrıy torgan süzlärgä kerä.57.9 süzlär 5000 iñ yış oçrıy torgan süzlärgä kerä.65.9 süzlär 8000 iñ yış oçrıy torgan süzlärgä kerä.
- Essays of Michel de Montaigne - 047Härber sızık iñ yış oçrıy torgan 1000 süzlärneñ protsentnı kürsätä.Süzlärneñ gomumi sanı 4959Unikal süzlärneñ gomumi sanı 160942.9 süzlär 2000 iñ yış oçrıy torgan süzlärgä kerä.61.2 süzlär 5000 iñ yış oçrıy torgan süzlärgä kerä.71.1 süzlär 8000 iñ yış oçrıy torgan süzlärgä kerä.
- Essays of Michel de Montaigne - 048Härber sızık iñ yış oçrıy torgan 1000 süzlärneñ protsentnı kürsätä.Süzlärneñ gomumi sanı 4840Unikal süzlärneñ gomumi sanı 163539.5 süzlär 2000 iñ yış oçrıy torgan süzlärgä kerä.55.4 süzlär 5000 iñ yış oçrıy torgan süzlärgä kerä.63.4 süzlär 8000 iñ yış oçrıy torgan süzlärgä kerä.
- Essays of Michel de Montaigne - 049Härber sızık iñ yış oçrıy torgan 1000 süzlärneñ protsentnı kürsätä.Süzlärneñ gomumi sanı 4930Unikal süzlärneñ gomumi sanı 143640.5 süzlär 2000 iñ yış oçrıy torgan süzlärgä kerä.58.8 süzlär 5000 iñ yış oçrıy torgan süzlärgä kerä.66.1 süzlär 8000 iñ yış oçrıy torgan süzlärgä kerä.
- Essays of Michel de Montaigne - 050Härber sızık iñ yış oçrıy torgan 1000 süzlärneñ protsentnı kürsätä.Süzlärneñ gomumi sanı 4742Unikal süzlärneñ gomumi sanı 153038.8 süzlär 2000 iñ yış oçrıy torgan süzlärgä kerä.56.7 süzlär 5000 iñ yış oçrıy torgan süzlärgä kerä.65.3 süzlär 8000 iñ yış oçrıy torgan süzlärgä kerä.
- Essays of Michel de Montaigne - 051Härber sızık iñ yış oçrıy torgan 1000 süzlärneñ protsentnı kürsätä.Süzlärneñ gomumi sanı 4932Unikal süzlärneñ gomumi sanı 151539.8 süzlär 2000 iñ yış oçrıy torgan süzlärgä kerä.55.9 süzlär 5000 iñ yış oçrıy torgan süzlärgä kerä.63.9 süzlär 8000 iñ yış oçrıy torgan süzlärgä kerä.
- Essays of Michel de Montaigne - 052Härber sızık iñ yış oçrıy torgan 1000 süzlärneñ protsentnı kürsätä.Süzlärneñ gomumi sanı 4878Unikal süzlärneñ gomumi sanı 157839.0 süzlär 2000 iñ yış oçrıy torgan süzlärgä kerä.56.6 süzlär 5000 iñ yış oçrıy torgan süzlärgä kerä.63.3 süzlär 8000 iñ yış oçrıy torgan süzlärgä kerä.
- Essays of Michel de Montaigne - 053Härber sızık iñ yış oçrıy torgan 1000 süzlärneñ protsentnı kürsätä.Süzlärneñ gomumi sanı 4811Unikal süzlärneñ gomumi sanı 152337.8 süzlär 2000 iñ yış oçrıy torgan süzlärgä kerä.55.7 süzlär 5000 iñ yış oçrıy torgan süzlärgä kerä.63.3 süzlär 8000 iñ yış oçrıy torgan süzlärgä kerä.
- Essays of Michel de Montaigne - 054Härber sızık iñ yış oçrıy torgan 1000 süzlärneñ protsentnı kürsätä.Süzlärneñ gomumi sanı 4864Unikal süzlärneñ gomumi sanı 153440.6 süzlär 2000 iñ yış oçrıy torgan süzlärgä kerä.58.6 süzlär 5000 iñ yış oçrıy torgan süzlärgä kerä.67.3 süzlär 8000 iñ yış oçrıy torgan süzlärgä kerä.
- Essays of Michel de Montaigne - 055Härber sızık iñ yış oçrıy torgan 1000 süzlärneñ protsentnı kürsätä.Süzlärneñ gomumi sanı 5000Unikal süzlärneñ gomumi sanı 141944.1 süzlär 2000 iñ yış oçrıy torgan süzlärgä kerä.63.8 süzlär 5000 iñ yış oçrıy torgan süzlärgä kerä.71.3 süzlär 8000 iñ yış oçrıy torgan süzlärgä kerä.
- Essays of Michel de Montaigne - 056Härber sızık iñ yış oçrıy torgan 1000 süzlärneñ protsentnı kürsätä.Süzlärneñ gomumi sanı 4864Unikal süzlärneñ gomumi sanı 159241.4 süzlär 2000 iñ yış oçrıy torgan süzlärgä kerä.58.8 süzlär 5000 iñ yış oçrıy torgan süzlärgä kerä.67.4 süzlär 8000 iñ yış oçrıy torgan süzlärgä kerä.
- Essays of Michel de Montaigne - 057Härber sızık iñ yış oçrıy torgan 1000 süzlärneñ protsentnı kürsätä.Süzlärneñ gomumi sanı 4881Unikal süzlärneñ gomumi sanı 151840.8 süzlär 2000 iñ yış oçrıy torgan süzlärgä kerä.58.4 süzlär 5000 iñ yış oçrıy torgan süzlärgä kerä.66.0 süzlär 8000 iñ yış oçrıy torgan süzlärgä kerä.
- Essays of Michel de Montaigne - 058Härber sızık iñ yış oçrıy torgan 1000 süzlärneñ protsentnı kürsätä.Süzlärneñ gomumi sanı 4940Unikal süzlärneñ gomumi sanı 147243.2 süzlär 2000 iñ yış oçrıy torgan süzlärgä kerä.59.4 süzlär 5000 iñ yış oçrıy torgan süzlärgä kerä.66.9 süzlär 8000 iñ yış oçrıy torgan süzlärgä kerä.
- Essays of Michel de Montaigne - 059Härber sızık iñ yış oçrıy torgan 1000 süzlärneñ protsentnı kürsätä.Süzlärneñ gomumi sanı 4669Unikal süzlärneñ gomumi sanı 155741.0 süzlär 2000 iñ yış oçrıy torgan süzlärgä kerä.58.5 süzlär 5000 iñ yış oçrıy torgan süzlärgä kerä.66.2 süzlär 8000 iñ yış oçrıy torgan süzlärgä kerä.
- Essays of Michel de Montaigne - 060Härber sızık iñ yış oçrıy torgan 1000 süzlärneñ protsentnı kürsätä.Süzlärneñ gomumi sanı 4782Unikal süzlärneñ gomumi sanı 150542.4 süzlär 2000 iñ yış oçrıy torgan süzlärgä kerä.59.5 süzlär 5000 iñ yış oçrıy torgan süzlärgä kerä.66.7 süzlär 8000 iñ yış oçrıy torgan süzlärgä kerä.
- Essays of Michel de Montaigne - 061Härber sızık iñ yış oçrıy torgan 1000 süzlärneñ protsentnı kürsätä.Süzlärneñ gomumi sanı 4884Unikal süzlärneñ gomumi sanı 146542.6 süzlär 2000 iñ yış oçrıy torgan süzlärgä kerä.60.3 süzlär 5000 iñ yış oçrıy torgan süzlärgä kerä.69.0 süzlär 8000 iñ yış oçrıy torgan süzlärgä kerä.
- Essays of Michel de Montaigne - 062Härber sızık iñ yış oçrıy torgan 1000 süzlärneñ protsentnı kürsätä.Süzlärneñ gomumi sanı 4856Unikal süzlärneñ gomumi sanı 155544.1 süzlär 2000 iñ yış oçrıy torgan süzlärgä kerä.61.4 süzlär 5000 iñ yış oçrıy torgan süzlärgä kerä.69.8 süzlär 8000 iñ yış oçrıy torgan süzlärgä kerä.
- Essays of Michel de Montaigne - 063Härber sızık iñ yış oçrıy torgan 1000 süzlärneñ protsentnı kürsätä.Süzlärneñ gomumi sanı 5006Unikal süzlärneñ gomumi sanı 146246.8 süzlär 2000 iñ yış oçrıy torgan süzlärgä kerä.64.5 süzlär 5000 iñ yış oçrıy torgan süzlärgä kerä.72.3 süzlär 8000 iñ yış oçrıy torgan süzlärgä kerä.
- Essays of Michel de Montaigne - 064Härber sızık iñ yış oçrıy torgan 1000 süzlärneñ protsentnı kürsätä.Süzlärneñ gomumi sanı 4849Unikal süzlärneñ gomumi sanı 149143.7 süzlär 2000 iñ yış oçrıy torgan süzlärgä kerä.63.2 süzlär 5000 iñ yış oçrıy torgan süzlärgä kerä.72.7 süzlär 8000 iñ yış oçrıy torgan süzlärgä kerä.
- Essays of Michel de Montaigne - 065Härber sızık iñ yış oçrıy torgan 1000 süzlärneñ protsentnı kürsätä.Süzlärneñ gomumi sanı 4893Unikal süzlärneñ gomumi sanı 151146.8 süzlär 2000 iñ yış oçrıy torgan süzlärgä kerä.65.8 süzlär 5000 iñ yış oçrıy torgan süzlärgä kerä.73.6 süzlär 8000 iñ yış oçrıy torgan süzlärgä kerä.
- Essays of Michel de Montaigne - 066Härber sızık iñ yış oçrıy torgan 1000 süzlärneñ protsentnı kürsätä.Süzlärneñ gomumi sanı 4875Unikal süzlärneñ gomumi sanı 153343.3 süzlär 2000 iñ yış oçrıy torgan süzlärgä kerä.61.5 süzlär 5000 iñ yış oçrıy torgan süzlärgä kerä.69.6 süzlär 8000 iñ yış oçrıy torgan süzlärgä kerä.
- Essays of Michel de Montaigne - 067Härber sızık iñ yış oçrıy torgan 1000 süzlärneñ protsentnı kürsätä.Süzlärneñ gomumi sanı 4837Unikal süzlärneñ gomumi sanı 156644.6 süzlär 2000 iñ yış oçrıy torgan süzlärgä kerä.63.4 süzlär 5000 iñ yış oçrıy torgan süzlärgä kerä.72.1 süzlär 8000 iñ yış oçrıy torgan süzlärgä kerä.
- Essays of Michel de Montaigne - 068Härber sızık iñ yış oçrıy torgan 1000 süzlärneñ protsentnı kürsätä.Süzlärneñ gomumi sanı 4970Unikal süzlärneñ gomumi sanı 152046.6 süzlär 2000 iñ yış oçrıy torgan süzlärgä kerä.64.9 süzlär 5000 iñ yış oçrıy torgan süzlärgä kerä.72.7 süzlär 8000 iñ yış oçrıy torgan süzlärgä kerä.
- Essays of Michel de Montaigne - 069Härber sızık iñ yış oçrıy torgan 1000 süzlärneñ protsentnı kürsätä.Süzlärneñ gomumi sanı 4964Unikal süzlärneñ gomumi sanı 144646.1 süzlär 2000 iñ yış oçrıy torgan süzlärgä kerä.65.3 süzlär 5000 iñ yış oçrıy torgan süzlärgä kerä.74.8 süzlär 8000 iñ yış oçrıy torgan süzlärgä kerä.
- Essays of Michel de Montaigne - 070Härber sızık iñ yış oçrıy torgan 1000 süzlärneñ protsentnı kürsätä.Süzlärneñ gomumi sanı 4908Unikal süzlärneñ gomumi sanı 146945.9 süzlär 2000 iñ yış oçrıy torgan süzlärgä kerä.64.2 süzlär 5000 iñ yış oçrıy torgan süzlärgä kerä.71.5 süzlär 8000 iñ yış oçrıy torgan süzlärgä kerä.
- Essays of Michel de Montaigne - 071Härber sızık iñ yış oçrıy torgan 1000 süzlärneñ protsentnı kürsätä.Süzlärneñ gomumi sanı 4980Unikal süzlärneñ gomumi sanı 141251.3 süzlär 2000 iñ yış oçrıy torgan süzlärgä kerä.68.1 süzlär 5000 iñ yış oçrıy torgan süzlärgä kerä.76.1 süzlär 8000 iñ yış oçrıy torgan süzlärgä kerä.
- Essays of Michel de Montaigne - 072Härber sızık iñ yış oçrıy torgan 1000 süzlärneñ protsentnı kürsätä.Süzlärneñ gomumi sanı 4907Unikal süzlärneñ gomumi sanı 144945.7 süzlär 2000 iñ yış oçrıy torgan süzlärgä kerä.65.0 süzlär 5000 iñ yış oçrıy torgan süzlärgä kerä.73.6 süzlär 8000 iñ yış oçrıy torgan süzlärgä kerä.
- Essays of Michel de Montaigne - 073Härber sızık iñ yış oçrıy torgan 1000 süzlärneñ protsentnı kürsätä.Süzlärneñ gomumi sanı 4977Unikal süzlärneñ gomumi sanı 140946.9 süzlär 2000 iñ yış oçrıy torgan süzlärgä kerä.65.9 süzlär 5000 iñ yış oçrıy torgan süzlärgä kerä.72.9 süzlär 8000 iñ yış oçrıy torgan süzlärgä kerä.
- Essays of Michel de Montaigne - 074Härber sızık iñ yış oçrıy torgan 1000 süzlärneñ protsentnı kürsätä.Süzlärneñ gomumi sanı 5152Unikal süzlärneñ gomumi sanı 139948.8 süzlär 2000 iñ yış oçrıy torgan süzlärgä kerä.67.1 süzlär 5000 iñ yış oçrıy torgan süzlärgä kerä.76.6 süzlär 8000 iñ yış oçrıy torgan süzlärgä kerä.
- Essays of Michel de Montaigne - 075Härber sızık iñ yış oçrıy torgan 1000 süzlärneñ protsentnı kürsätä.Süzlärneñ gomumi sanı 4857Unikal süzlärneñ gomumi sanı 143845.4 süzlär 2000 iñ yış oçrıy torgan süzlärgä kerä.65.7 süzlär 5000 iñ yış oçrıy torgan süzlärgä kerä.73.9 süzlär 8000 iñ yış oçrıy torgan süzlärgä kerä.
- Essays of Michel de Montaigne - 076Härber sızık iñ yış oçrıy torgan 1000 süzlärneñ protsentnı kürsätä.Süzlärneñ gomumi sanı 4965Unikal süzlärneñ gomumi sanı 145445.5 süzlär 2000 iñ yış oçrıy torgan süzlärgä kerä.64.5 süzlär 5000 iñ yış oçrıy torgan süzlärgä kerä.73.0 süzlär 8000 iñ yış oçrıy torgan süzlärgä kerä.
- Essays of Michel de Montaigne - 077Härber sızık iñ yış oçrıy torgan 1000 süzlärneñ protsentnı kürsätä.Süzlärneñ gomumi sanı 5078Unikal süzlärneñ gomumi sanı 142345.8 süzlär 2000 iñ yış oçrıy torgan süzlärgä kerä.64.6 süzlär 5000 iñ yış oçrıy torgan süzlärgä kerä.74.9 süzlär 8000 iñ yış oçrıy torgan süzlärgä kerä.
- Essays of Michel de Montaigne - 078Härber sızık iñ yış oçrıy torgan 1000 süzlärneñ protsentnı kürsätä.Süzlärneñ gomumi sanı 4990Unikal süzlärneñ gomumi sanı 145845.1 süzlär 2000 iñ yış oçrıy torgan süzlärgä kerä.66.3 süzlär 5000 iñ yış oçrıy torgan süzlärgä kerä.74.3 süzlär 8000 iñ yış oçrıy torgan süzlärgä kerä.
- Essays of Michel de Montaigne - 079Härber sızık iñ yış oçrıy torgan 1000 süzlärneñ protsentnı kürsätä.Süzlärneñ gomumi sanı 4812Unikal süzlärneñ gomumi sanı 156446.0 süzlär 2000 iñ yış oçrıy torgan süzlärgä kerä.64.8 süzlär 5000 iñ yış oçrıy torgan süzlärgä kerä.73.1 süzlär 8000 iñ yış oçrıy torgan süzlärgä kerä.
- Essays of Michel de Montaigne - 080Härber sızık iñ yış oçrıy torgan 1000 süzlärneñ protsentnı kürsätä.Süzlärneñ gomumi sanı 4787Unikal süzlärneñ gomumi sanı 162140.7 süzlär 2000 iñ yış oçrıy torgan süzlärgä kerä.57.0 süzlär 5000 iñ yış oçrıy torgan süzlärgä kerä.66.1 süzlär 8000 iñ yış oçrıy torgan süzlärgä kerä.
- Essays of Michel de Montaigne - 081Härber sızık iñ yış oçrıy torgan 1000 süzlärneñ protsentnı kürsätä.Süzlärneñ gomumi sanı 4763Unikal süzlärneñ gomumi sanı 161542.0 süzlär 2000 iñ yış oçrıy torgan süzlärgä kerä.57.7 süzlär 5000 iñ yış oçrıy torgan süzlärgä kerä.66.1 süzlär 8000 iñ yış oçrıy torgan süzlärgä kerä.
- Essays of Michel de Montaigne - 082Härber sızık iñ yış oçrıy torgan 1000 süzlärneñ protsentnı kürsätä.Süzlärneñ gomumi sanı 4779Unikal süzlärneñ gomumi sanı 154844.2 süzlär 2000 iñ yış oçrıy torgan süzlärgä kerä.60.7 süzlär 5000 iñ yış oçrıy torgan süzlärgä kerä.67.6 süzlär 8000 iñ yış oçrıy torgan süzlärgä kerä.
- Essays of Michel de Montaigne - 083Härber sızık iñ yış oçrıy torgan 1000 süzlärneñ protsentnı kürsätä.Süzlärneñ gomumi sanı 4866Unikal süzlärneñ gomumi sanı 155542.7 süzlär 2000 iñ yış oçrıy torgan süzlärgä kerä.63.3 süzlär 5000 iñ yış oçrıy torgan süzlärgä kerä.72.1 süzlär 8000 iñ yış oçrıy torgan süzlärgä kerä.
- Essays of Michel de Montaigne - 084Härber sızık iñ yış oçrıy torgan 1000 süzlärneñ protsentnı kürsätä.Süzlärneñ gomumi sanı 4776Unikal süzlärneñ gomumi sanı 155742.7 süzlär 2000 iñ yış oçrıy torgan süzlärgä kerä.61.2 süzlär 5000 iñ yış oçrıy torgan süzlärgä kerä.70.6 süzlär 8000 iñ yış oçrıy torgan süzlärgä kerä.
- Essays of Michel de Montaigne - 085Härber sızık iñ yış oçrıy torgan 1000 süzlärneñ protsentnı kürsätä.Süzlärneñ gomumi sanı 4785Unikal süzlärneñ gomumi sanı 157145.4 süzlär 2000 iñ yış oçrıy torgan süzlärgä kerä.63.4 süzlär 5000 iñ yış oçrıy torgan süzlärgä kerä.71.4 süzlär 8000 iñ yış oçrıy torgan süzlärgä kerä.
- Essays of Michel de Montaigne - 086Härber sızık iñ yış oçrıy torgan 1000 süzlärneñ protsentnı kürsätä.Süzlärneñ gomumi sanı 4747Unikal süzlärneñ gomumi sanı 156741.5 süzlär 2000 iñ yış oçrıy torgan süzlärgä kerä.62.4 süzlär 5000 iñ yış oçrıy torgan süzlärgä kerä.70.3 süzlär 8000 iñ yış oçrıy torgan süzlärgä kerä.
- Essays of Michel de Montaigne - 087Härber sızık iñ yış oçrıy torgan 1000 süzlärneñ protsentnı kürsätä.Süzlärneñ gomumi sanı 5022Unikal süzlärneñ gomumi sanı 145547.6 süzlär 2000 iñ yış oçrıy torgan süzlärgä kerä.66.5 süzlär 5000 iñ yış oçrıy torgan süzlärgä kerä.75.1 süzlär 8000 iñ yış oçrıy torgan süzlärgä kerä.
- Essays of Michel de Montaigne - 088Härber sızık iñ yış oçrıy torgan 1000 süzlärneñ protsentnı kürsätä.Süzlärneñ gomumi sanı 4935Unikal süzlärneñ gomumi sanı 142746.6 süzlär 2000 iñ yış oçrıy torgan süzlärgä kerä.64.3 süzlär 5000 iñ yış oçrıy torgan süzlärgä kerä.72.9 süzlär 8000 iñ yış oçrıy torgan süzlärgä kerä.
- Essays of Michel de Montaigne - 089Härber sızık iñ yış oçrıy torgan 1000 süzlärneñ protsentnı kürsätä.Süzlärneñ gomumi sanı 4966Unikal süzlärneñ gomumi sanı 139148.2 süzlär 2000 iñ yış oçrıy torgan süzlärgä kerä.65.8 süzlär 5000 iñ yış oçrıy torgan süzlärgä kerä.74.4 süzlär 8000 iñ yış oçrıy torgan süzlärgä kerä.
- Essays of Michel de Montaigne - 090Härber sızık iñ yış oçrıy torgan 1000 süzlärneñ protsentnı kürsätä.Süzlärneñ gomumi sanı 4888Unikal süzlärneñ gomumi sanı 149743.6 süzlär 2000 iñ yış oçrıy torgan süzlärgä kerä.61.2 süzlär 5000 iñ yış oçrıy torgan süzlärgä kerä.69.8 süzlär 8000 iñ yış oçrıy torgan süzlärgä kerä.
- Essays of Michel de Montaigne - 091Härber sızık iñ yış oçrıy torgan 1000 süzlärneñ protsentnı kürsätä.Süzlärneñ gomumi sanı 4903Unikal süzlärneñ gomumi sanı 145544.8 süzlär 2000 iñ yış oçrıy torgan süzlärgä kerä.64.3 süzlär 5000 iñ yış oçrıy torgan süzlärgä kerä.71.8 süzlär 8000 iñ yış oçrıy torgan süzlärgä kerä.
- Essays of Michel de Montaigne - 092Härber sızık iñ yış oçrıy torgan 1000 süzlärneñ protsentnı kürsätä.Süzlärneñ gomumi sanı 5068Unikal süzlärneñ gomumi sanı 150346.8 süzlär 2000 iñ yış oçrıy torgan süzlärgä kerä.66.3 süzlär 5000 iñ yış oçrıy torgan süzlärgä kerä.74.2 süzlär 8000 iñ yış oçrıy torgan süzlärgä kerä.
- Essays of Michel de Montaigne - 093Härber sızık iñ yış oçrıy torgan 1000 süzlärneñ protsentnı kürsätä.Süzlärneñ gomumi sanı 4993Unikal süzlärneñ gomumi sanı 145847.9 süzlär 2000 iñ yış oçrıy torgan süzlärgä kerä.64.8 süzlär 5000 iñ yış oçrıy torgan süzlärgä kerä.72.8 süzlär 8000 iñ yış oçrıy torgan süzlärgä kerä.
- Essays of Michel de Montaigne - 094Härber sızık iñ yış oçrıy torgan 1000 süzlärneñ protsentnı kürsätä.Süzlärneñ gomumi sanı 4866Unikal süzlärneñ gomumi sanı 147544.5 süzlär 2000 iñ yış oçrıy torgan süzlärgä kerä.63.4 süzlär 5000 iñ yış oçrıy torgan süzlärgä kerä.71.3 süzlär 8000 iñ yış oçrıy torgan süzlärgä kerä.
- Essays of Michel de Montaigne - 095Härber sızık iñ yış oçrıy torgan 1000 süzlärneñ protsentnı kürsätä.Süzlärneñ gomumi sanı 4816Unikal süzlärneñ gomumi sanı 144045.0 süzlär 2000 iñ yış oçrıy torgan süzlärgä kerä.64.7 süzlär 5000 iñ yış oçrıy torgan süzlärgä kerä.73.1 süzlär 8000 iñ yış oçrıy torgan süzlärgä kerä.
- Essays of Michel de Montaigne - 096Härber sızık iñ yış oçrıy torgan 1000 süzlärneñ protsentnı kürsätä.Süzlärneñ gomumi sanı 4894Unikal süzlärneñ gomumi sanı 154343.7 süzlär 2000 iñ yış oçrıy torgan süzlärgä kerä.61.4 süzlär 5000 iñ yış oçrıy torgan süzlärgä kerä.70.5 süzlär 8000 iñ yış oçrıy torgan süzlärgä kerä.
- Essays of Michel de Montaigne - 097Härber sızık iñ yış oçrıy torgan 1000 süzlärneñ protsentnı kürsätä.Süzlärneñ gomumi sanı 4901Unikal süzlärneñ gomumi sanı 146346.2 süzlär 2000 iñ yış oçrıy torgan süzlärgä kerä.63.9 süzlär 5000 iñ yış oçrıy torgan süzlärgä kerä.71.8 süzlär 8000 iñ yış oçrıy torgan süzlärgä kerä.
- Essays of Michel de Montaigne - 098Härber sızık iñ yış oçrıy torgan 1000 süzlärneñ protsentnı kürsätä.Süzlärneñ gomumi sanı 4772Unikal süzlärneñ gomumi sanı 161040.9 süzlär 2000 iñ yış oçrıy torgan süzlärgä kerä.58.0 süzlär 5000 iñ yış oçrıy torgan süzlärgä kerä.65.9 süzlär 8000 iñ yış oçrıy torgan süzlärgä kerä.
- Essays of Michel de Montaigne - 099Härber sızık iñ yış oçrıy torgan 1000 süzlärneñ protsentnı kürsätä.Süzlärneñ gomumi sanı 4909Unikal süzlärneñ gomumi sanı 145147.5 süzlär 2000 iñ yış oçrıy torgan süzlärgä kerä.65.9 süzlär 5000 iñ yış oçrıy torgan süzlärgä kerä.73.3 süzlär 8000 iñ yış oçrıy torgan süzlärgä kerä.
- Essays of Michel de Montaigne - 100Härber sızık iñ yış oçrıy torgan 1000 süzlärneñ protsentnı kürsätä.Süzlärneñ gomumi sanı 4899Unikal süzlärneñ gomumi sanı 148047.3 süzlär 2000 iñ yış oçrıy torgan süzlärgä kerä.67.5 süzlär 5000 iñ yış oçrıy torgan süzlärgä kerä.76.3 süzlär 8000 iñ yış oçrıy torgan süzlärgä kerä.
- Essays of Michel de Montaigne - 101Härber sızık iñ yış oçrıy torgan 1000 süzlärneñ protsentnı kürsätä.Süzlärneñ gomumi sanı 4939Unikal süzlärneñ gomumi sanı 145244.6 süzlär 2000 iñ yış oçrıy torgan süzlärgä kerä.64.2 süzlär 5000 iñ yış oçrıy torgan süzlärgä kerä.72.8 süzlär 8000 iñ yış oçrıy torgan süzlärgä kerä.
- Essays of Michel de Montaigne - 102Härber sızık iñ yış oçrıy torgan 1000 süzlärneñ protsentnı kürsätä.Süzlärneñ gomumi sanı 5068Unikal süzlärneñ gomumi sanı 144246.5 süzlär 2000 iñ yış oçrıy torgan süzlärgä kerä.65.2 süzlär 5000 iñ yış oçrıy torgan süzlärgä kerä.72.7 süzlär 8000 iñ yış oçrıy torgan süzlärgä kerä.
- Essays of Michel de Montaigne - 103Härber sızık iñ yış oçrıy torgan 1000 süzlärneñ protsentnı kürsätä.Süzlärneñ gomumi sanı 4987Unikal süzlärneñ gomumi sanı 147947.5 süzlär 2000 iñ yış oçrıy torgan süzlärgä kerä.65.7 süzlär 5000 iñ yış oçrıy torgan süzlärgä kerä.74.1 süzlär 8000 iñ yış oçrıy torgan süzlärgä kerä.
- Essays of Michel de Montaigne - 104Härber sızık iñ yış oçrıy torgan 1000 süzlärneñ protsentnı kürsätä.Süzlärneñ gomumi sanı 5081Unikal süzlärneñ gomumi sanı 148248.7 süzlär 2000 iñ yış oçrıy torgan süzlärgä kerä.66.2 süzlär 5000 iñ yış oçrıy torgan süzlärgä kerä.74.1 süzlär 8000 iñ yış oçrıy torgan süzlärgä kerä.
- Essays of Michel de Montaigne - 105Härber sızık iñ yış oçrıy torgan 1000 süzlärneñ protsentnı kürsätä.Süzlärneñ gomumi sanı 4841Unikal süzlärneñ gomumi sanı 152741.4 süzlär 2000 iñ yış oçrıy torgan süzlärgä kerä.60.2 süzlär 5000 iñ yış oçrıy torgan süzlärgä kerä.68.4 süzlär 8000 iñ yış oçrıy torgan süzlärgä kerä.
- Essays of Michel de Montaigne - 106Härber sızık iñ yış oçrıy torgan 1000 süzlärneñ protsentnı kürsätä.Süzlärneñ gomumi sanı 4628Unikal süzlärneñ gomumi sanı 141048.0 süzlär 2000 iñ yış oçrıy torgan süzlärgä kerä.68.8 süzlär 5000 iñ yış oçrıy torgan süzlärgä kerä.78.1 süzlär 8000 iñ yış oçrıy torgan süzlärgä kerä.
- Essays of Michel de Montaigne - 107Härber sızık iñ yış oçrıy torgan 1000 süzlärneñ protsentnı kürsätä.Süzlärneñ gomumi sanı 4543Unikal süzlärneñ gomumi sanı 144747.5 süzlär 2000 iñ yış oçrıy torgan süzlärgä kerä.68.1 süzlär 5000 iñ yış oçrıy torgan süzlärgä kerä.77.3 süzlär 8000 iñ yış oçrıy torgan süzlärgä kerä.
- Essays of Michel de Montaigne - 108Härber sızık iñ yış oçrıy torgan 1000 süzlärneñ protsentnı kürsätä.Süzlärneñ gomumi sanı 2607Unikal süzlärneñ gomumi sanı 90156.5 süzlär 2000 iñ yış oçrıy torgan süzlärgä kerä.75.0 süzlär 5000 iñ yış oçrıy torgan süzlärgä kerä.82.5 süzlär 8000 iñ yış oçrıy torgan süzlärgä kerä.